This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project to make the world's books discoverable online. It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the publisher to a library and finally to you. Usage guidelines Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. We also ask that you: + Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for personal, non-commercial purposes. + Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. + Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. + Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at |http : //books . google . com/ C 587, 820 P* M. *: m. » .gHW^' •1> 1^ oa. 'tized by Google T4'r Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google 2/J--^^ DBPAETMENT OF THE INTERIOR 0. 8. GB06RAPHICAI AND GEOLOGICAL SUEVEY OP THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION J. W. POWELL IN Chakge A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO BY CYRUS THOMAS Ph. D. INTRODFCTIQN BY D. G. BEnTTON M. D. [FBOH "CONTRIBUTIONS TO NOBTH AMEBICAN BTHN0U»6T" VOL. V] WASHINGTON OOVEBNMENT PSINTINO OFFICE 1882 Digitized by Google Digitized by Google PREFACE I am fully aware that this paper bears the marks of haste and gives evidence of the fact that a number of the more impoi-tant points are not worked out as thoroughly and completely as they might have been had more time been devoted to them. But the growing interest in the public mind in reference to all that relates to the past history of our continent has induced me to present it in its present incomplete form rather than defer its publication to an indefinite period in the future. It is therefore oflFered to the public more as a tentative work than with the expectation that all my conclusions will stand the test of criticism. I have endeavored, as will be seen by an examination of its contents, to confine my studies as strictly as possible to the Manuscript itself, without being influenced in my conclusions by the conclusions of others — using Landa's "-BeZociow," Perez's ^' Cronologia,^^ Brasseur's works, and the Dresden Codex as my chief aids; not intending by any means to ignore the valu- able work done by others in the same field, but that I might remain as free as possible to work out results in my own line of thought. I may also add that at the time the main portion of the paper was written I was in the West, out of reach of any extensive library contain- ing works relating to the history, antiquities, &c , of Mexico and Central America. This fact I mention as an apology for the comparatively few works referred to in the paper. I have studied the Manuscript somewhat in the same way the child undertakes to solve an illustrated rebus, assuming as a standpoint the status of the semi-civilized Indian, and endeavoring, as far as possible, to proceed upon the same plane of thought. In other words, I have not proceeded upon the assumption that the pre-Columbian Indians of Yucatan were learned phi- Digitized by Google iv PREFACE. losophers, thoroughly versed in science and general knowledge, but were IndianSy who through some influence, whether introduced or indigenous, had made considerable advance in certain lines of art and science. But these lines, as I believe, were few and limited, relating chiefly to architect- ure, sculpture, painting, and the computation of time. As an examination of the Manuscript soon satisfied me that it was, to a great extent, a kind of religious calendar, I found it necessary first to dis- cuss the Maya chronological system in order to make use of the numerous dates found in the work — a fact that will explain why so many pages of the first part of the paper are devoted to this subject. The results of my investigations are summed up at the close of this preface. I find the work consists of two parts: first, a calendar giving the dates of religious festivals running through a long period of time, in all probability a grand cycle of three hundred and twelve years, together with brief formulas; second, an illustration of the habits, customs, and employ- ments of the people. But these two subject* are mingled together through- out the Manuscript; the first including most of the characters or hiero- glyphics around the spaces; the second the figures in the spaces. One omission in my paper will be observed by those who are familiar with the subject, that is, the failure on my part to notice and account for, in the Maya chronological system, the surplus days of the bissextile years. This omission on my part has been intentional. I can find no plan by which to insert them in the series, numbering them as the others, without interfering with that order which is essential to the system itself. I have therefore proceeded upon the assumption that they are added as uncounted days, and hence interfere in no way with the regular order. If I am mistaken in this conclusion, considerable modification in my tabular aiTangement of the years may be necessary, even though the general plan be correct. A very serious di'awback to the attempt to explain the written char- acters or hieroglyphics has been the lack on my part of a knowledge of the Maya language. Such a knowledge I do not claim; therefore, in this part of the work, the best I could do was to quote from the lexicons, as there given, such words as I found it necessary to refer to. The propriety of attempting anything in this direction without this knowledge may be justly Digitized by Google PREFACE. V questioned. But after seriously considering this point, I concluded ft best to give to the world the result of my investigations with these explanations, as I felt confident I had made some progress in deciphering this mysterious Manuscript. ^ . ^ I take this opportunity of acknowledging the obligations I am under to Dr. D. G. Brinton, of Philadelphia, for the valuable notice of the Maya Manuscripts which he has contributed as an introduction to my paper. RESULTS OF MY INVESTIGATIONS OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. These may be briefly summed up as follows: 1st. That the work was. intended chiefly as a ritual or religious calen- dar to guide the priests in the observance of religious festivals, and their numerous ceremonies and other duties. That the very large number of day columns and numerals, which form fully one-half of what may be called the written portion, are simply dates which appear to run through one entire grand cycle of 312 years, fixing the time when festivals should be held and other religious observances take place. Also that much of the text proper — the portion in hieroglyphics or written characters — ^is purely ritualistic, consisting of very simple formulas. 2d. That the figures in the spaces are in some cases symbolical, in others simple pictographs, and, in quite a number, refer to religious ceremo- nies, but that in many instances they relate to the habits, customs, and oc- cupations of the people — ^as, for example, their method of capturing game, which, as appears from this work, was as stated by Herrera, chiefly by **gins and traps" — and the incidents of the chase; that which relates to the busi- ness of the apiarists; making ropes; the manufacture of idols; agricultural pursuits; occupation and duties of the females, &c. But even here we see the religious element pervading everything. 3d. That the work appertained to and was prepared for a people liv- ing in the interior of the country, away from the sea-shore. This is inferred from the fact that nothing is found in it relating to fishermen, or their vessels. Digitized by Google But tliero are reasons for believing that it pertained to a companituely well- wooded section. 4th. That the people of the section where it was prepared were peace- able, not addicted to war; and were sedentary^ supporting themselves chiefly by agricukural products, though relying upon their '^gina and traps*' and the cbaae to supply them with animal food. Twelve of the plates (VIII to XIX) are devoted to this latter subject j ten (I* to X*) to the business, festivals, &c., of the apiariats and honey -gatherei's; and ten (XXIV to XXXIII) to rains, storms, and agricultural pursuits. The execution and character of the work itself, as w^ell as its contents, bear testimony to the fact that the people w^ere comparatively well advanced in the arts of civilized life. But there is nothing here to warrant the glowing descriptions of their art and refinement given by some of the earlier as well as more modern writeiB, nor even to coiTcspond with what might be inferred from the architectural remains in some parts of Yucatan* We find in the work indications of stone and w ooden houses, but generally with thatched roofs; at least they always have wooden supports, and are of a temporary character. Tlie dress of the males appears to have consisted of a strip of cloth (probably cotton), passed once or twice around the loins, with one end hanging down behind and the other in front, or a small flap in front and the ends behind. That of the females consisted of a skirt fastened at the waist and hanging down to the ankles, A kind of Ijroad anklets and wrist- lets appear also to have been quite common with the better class, but the feet were always bare. The women parted tlieir hair in the middle, that of the matrons or married women not being allowed to hang down, while that of the younger or unmarried ones was allowed to hang in long locks behind. Mats alone neem to liave been used as seats. The pottery, so far as I can judge by what is shown in the Manu- script (a] id in tliis prefatory statement I confine my remarks strictly to what seems to be shown here, unless otherwise expressly stated)^ w^B o^ ^^ inferior grade as to form and decoration, but it is worthy of ^oti^*^ a^*.\t pots with legs were common. Some censers in the form of a siiakiei*i|^ M. '^^^^^ head are the best specimens represented. Digitized by VnOOQ IC ^ PREFACE. Vii In planting their corn (maize) it was dibbled in with a curved stick, five grains to a hill being the established number. While at this work they wore a peculiar head-covering, apparently a kind of matting. The other cultivated plants noticed in the work appear to be cacao, cotton, and a leguminous species, probably a climbing bean, as it is supported by a stake. I judge, from a number of the figures, that their com while growing was subject to the attacks of numerous insects (represented as worms or snakes), which ate foliage, ear, and root, and was frequently injured by severe storms, and also that the^ planted grains were pulled up by birds and a small quadruped. Their crops were also subject to injury by severe droughts, accompanied by great heat. The production of honey seems to have been a very important indus- try in the section to which the work relates, but so far I have succeeded in interpreting but few of the figures which refer to it Rope-making (or possibly weaving) is represented on Plate XI* — a very simple process, which will be found described jn my paper. Their chief mechanical work, as I judge from this Manuscript, was the manufacture of idols, some being made of clay and others carved of wood Two implements used in making their wooden images appear, from the figures, to have been of metal, one a hatchet, the other sharp-pointed and shaped much like a pair of shears. Spears and arrows (if such they be, for there is no figure of a bow in the entire work), or darts, are the only implements of warfare shown. The spears or darts seem to have been often thrown by means of a kind of hook, and guided by a piece of wood with a notch at the end. 5th. The taking of life, apparently of a slave, is indicated in one place, but whether as a sacrificial offering is uncertain. It is evidently not in the manner described by the early writers, as in this case it is by decapitation with a machete or hatchet, the arms being bound behind the back, and what is presumed to be a yoke fixed on the back of the head. This is the only thing in the Manuscript, except holding captives by the hair, as in the Mexican Codices, which can possibly be construed to indicate human sacri- fice. In the Dresden Codex human sacrifice in the usual way — by opening the breast — is clearly indicated. Digitized by Google Vlll PREFACE. 6th. We learn from the figures in the Manuscript that the cross in some of its forms was in use among this people as a religious emblem, and also that the bird was in some cases brought into connection with it, as at Palenque. 7th. In regard to the written characters I have reached the following conclusions: That, although the movement of the figures is from the right to the left, and the plates should be taken in this way, at least by pairs, yet, ds a general rule, the characters are in columns, to be read from the top down- wards, columns following each other from left to right; that when they are in lines they are to be read from left to right and by lines from the top downwards, but that lines are used only where it is not convenient to place the characters in columns. The correctness of this conclusion is, I think, susceptible of demonstration by what is found in the Manuscript. 8th. That there is no fixed rule. in reference to the arrangement of the parts of compound characters. The few which I have been able to decipher satisfactorily appear to have the parts generally arranged in an order nearly or quite the reverse of that in which the characters themselves are placed. 9th. That the characters, while to a certain extent phonetic, are not true alphabetic signs, but syllabic. Nor will even this definition hold true of them all, as some appear to be ideographic and others simply abbrevi- ated pictorial representations. Most of the characters are compound, arid the parts more or less abbreviated, and, as the writing is certainly the work of the priests, we may correctly term it hieratic. Landa's alphabet, I think, is the result of an attempt on his part to pick out of the compound characters their simple elements, which he erroneously supposed represented letters. The day characters are found in the Manu- script substantially as given by this author, but appear to have been derived from an earlier age, and to have lost in part their original signification. No month characters are found, in this work, though common in the Dresden Codex. 10th. That the work (the original, if the one now in existence be a copy) was probably written about the middle or latter half of the fourteenth century. This conclusion is reached first, from internal evidence alone; Digitized by Google PREFACE. ix second, from this, together with historical evidence. The tribe appears to have been at the time in a peaceable, quiet, and comparatively happy con- dition, which will carry us back to a time preceding the fall of Mayapan, and before the introduction of Aztec soldiers by the Cocomes. 1 1th. I think we find conclusive evidence in the work that the Ahau or Katun was a period of 24 years, and the great cycle of 312; also, that the series commenced with a Cauac instead of a Kan year, as has been usually supposed. Lastly, I add that I think Brasseur was right in supposing that this work originated in that section of the peninsula known as Peten. CYRUS THOMAS. Digitized by Google Digitized by Google TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page. Preface iii Resultaof my investigations of the Mannscript Troano v Table of Contents xi List of 111 nst rations xiii Introduction by Dr. D. G. Brinton xvii The graphic system and ancient records of the Mayas xvii 1. Introductory xvii 2. Descriptions by Spanish writers - xix 3. References from native sources xxvii 4. The existing Codices xxx 5. Efforts at interpretation xxxiv Chapter I. — The Manuscript and its Characters 1 II. — The Maya Calendar 5 III. — Explanation of Figures and Characters on Plates XX-XXIII of the Mannscript Troano, and 25-28 of the Dresden Codex 59 IV. — Suggestions as to the probable meaning of some of the figures on the other plates. Part First of the Sianuscript 93 Part Second of the Manuscript Ill v.— Symbols, Pictographs, and other Figures which cannot be properly classed as Written Characters 125 VI. — The Written Characters of the Manuscript 136 The direction in which they are to be read 136 The order in which the parts of compound characters are to be taken 140 VII.— Illustrations of the Day Columns and numbers in the first part of the Manuscript. 162 VIII. — ^A Discussion of Dates, with special reference to those of the Perez Mannscript. . . 187 The Maya Manuscript •- 188 Maya 188 Ti-anslation 189 IX.— Ins riptions en the Palenque Tablet 198 Appendices ii09 Appendix No. 1. — Extracts from the "Relacion de Cosas de Yucatan" of Diego de Landa, in re- lation to the festivals of the supplementary or closing days of the year, H XXXV-XXXVII. (Pp. 210-226.) 209 No. 2.— Quotation from an article by Sefior Melgar 216 No. 3.— Translation of Landaus description of the festivals held in the different months of the year. Relacion, pp. 240-310 217 No. 4. — Mode of Building Houses among the Yucatecs— Landa 228 No. 5. — Manner of Baptism in Yucatan— Landa 229 Original 229 Translation 231 XI Digitized by Google Digitized by Google LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Face Page. PiATB I.— Pao-simile of Plate XX of the Manasoript Troano (colored) 67 II. — Fac-simile of Plate XXI of the Mannscript Troano (eolored) 71 III.— Fac-aimile of Plate XXII of the Mannscript Troano (colored) 74 IV.— Fac-simile of Plate XXIII of the Mannscript Troano (colored) 78 v.— Facsimile of Plate 25 of the Dresden Codex (nncolored) 82 VI.— Fac-simile of Plate 26 of the Dresden Codex (nncolored) 86 VII.— Fac-simile of Plate 27 of the Dresden Codex (nncolored) 90 VIII.— Fac-simile of Plato 28 of the Dresden Codex (nncolored) 94 IX.— Fac-simile of Dr. Ban's Plate of the Palenqne Tablet 201 Page. Fig . 1 . — Comparison of Landaus characters with those of the Mannscript Troano 2 2. — Day characters : 5 3. — Month characters 6 4. — Method of giving dates with characters -• 13 5. — ^Day colnmn, with nnmeral characters 22 6.— Column of day characters 27 7. — ^Time symbols from the Dresden Codex 42 8.— Symbols of the Cardinal i>oints 70 9.— Stone symbol 74 10.— Bread symbol 80 11. — Bread symbol in another form 81 12.^ Incense symbol ' 92 13.— Fignre of a deity with triple-headed head-dress 96 14.— Time symbol from Plate VI 97 15. — Figure of an Armadillo in a pitfall 98* 16. — Copy of the middle and lower division of Plate XIV 99 17.— Incense-bnmer 119 18.— Hatchets 126 19. — Spear and dart (or arrow) 126 20. — Honey symbol 127 21.— Calendar wheel (f) 127 22.— Mortar 1 127 23.— Mortar 127 24.— Paint cnp 127 25.— Priest painting an adoratorio or canopied seat 128 26. — Idol in a baldachin or canopied seat 128 27. — House symbol *. ^.. 128 28.^Honse symbol 129 29. — House symbol 129 30. — House or Temple symbol from Dresden Codex 131 31. — ^Woman preparing material for ropes or cloth 131 32. — ^Woman making ropes (or weaving) 132 xm Digitized by Google Xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Page. 33.— Method of carving wooden idols 132 34.— Method of painting idols 132 35. — ^Implement, supposed to be metallic, used in carving wooden idols 133 36. — Implement; nse unknown 133 37. —Implement, probably used as a saw IX; 38. — Cutting instrumeQt 133 39. — Figures of matting ...1 ^ 133 40.— Bat or fan 134 41.— Bird-cage 1.34 42. — Block of wood marked with wood symbols 134 43.— Mimosa leaf 134 44* — Supposed figure of a curtain 134 45. — Symbol denoting ^'tijing the years" 134 46. — Native smoking a cigar 134 47.— Copy of the lower division of Plate XV 138 48. — Copy of the middie and lower divisions of Plate XIX 1.39 49. — Landaus Maya Alphabet 141 50. — Stone symbol 144 51. — Bread symbol 144 52. — ^Bread symbol 144 53. — Symbols for east and west 144 54. — Symbols for north and south » 144 55.— Character denoting **wood" 144 56. — Character marked on spear-heads 145 57. — ^Armadillo symbol 145 58.— Vase or oUa symbol 145 59. — Same character as a prefix 145 60. — Landa's character for the month Pax 145 61. — Pax symbol from the Drefidt-n Codex 145 62.— Similar character from the Dresden Codex 146 63. — Similar character from the Dresden Codex 14r) 64, — Character signifying |35p«ctkiA — "tortilla of maize" 146 65. — Character in head-dress, signifying j>poo—" hat " or ** head-covering " 147 ^.—Interlaced character 147 67. — Landa's character for Chicchan 147 68. — Manuscript character for Chicchan 147 09. — Character for Omal, a certain kind of tortilla 148 70.— Character from Plate XIX 148 71.— Group of characters from Plate XXIII* 149 72.— Character probably signifying prayer 149 73.— Group of characters from Plate VII * 149 74.— Caban characters 150 75.— Figure from Plate VIII* 150 76.— Character from Plate XIV* 151 77. — Manuscript character for the day Cib 151 78.— Character from Plate V , 151 79.— Copy ofthe second and third divisions of Plate XXIX 152 80.— Figure of a hand from Plate III* 153 HI.— Character from Plate III* 153 82.— Character from Plate III * 153 83.— Character from Plate III* 153 84.— Character often figured on Plates I to X* 153 85. — Character or symbol for East 153 86.— Copy of two divisions of Plate XX* 154 67.— Character from third division of Plate XX * 155 Digitized by Google LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XV Page. 88.— ChariMJter from third division of Plate XX* 156 89.— Character from third division of Plato XX • 156 90.— Bread symbol 156 91.— Bread symbol 156 92.— Armadillo symbol 158 93.— Character 158 94. — Character resembling death symbol 158 95. — Character from lower division Plate XX* 159 96.— Death symbol 159 97. — Copy of upper division of Plate X 160 98.— Group of characters from Plate XIV 161 99. — ^Day columns and numerals from Plate II -. 164 100. — Day columns and numerals from Plato V ™«^— 166 101.— Dr. Eau's index diagram of Palenqne Tablet 199 Digitized by Google Digitized by Google INTRODUCTION- BY DANIEIi G. BRINTON, M. D. THE GRAPHIC SYSTEM AND ANCIENT RECORDS OF THE MAYAS. 1.— INTRODUCTORY. One of the ablest of living ethnologists has classified the means of recording knowledge under two general headings — Thought-writing and Sound- writing.^ The former is again divided into two forms, the first and earliest of which is by pictures, the second by picture-writing. The superiority of picture-writing over the mere depicting of an occur- rence is that it analyzes the thought and expresses separately its component parts, whereas the picture presents it as a whole. The representations familiar among the North American Indians are usually mere pictures, while most of the records of the Aztec communities are in picture-writing. The genealogical development of Sound-writing begins by the substi- tution of the sign of one idea for that of another whose sound is nearly or quite the same. Such was the early graphic system of Egypt, and such substantially to-day is that of the Chinese. Above this stands syllabic writing, as that of the Japanese, and the semi-syllabic signs of the old Semitic alphabet; while, as the perfected result of these various attempts, we reach at last the invention of a true alphabet, in which a definite figure corresponds to a definite elementary sound. It is a primary question in American archaeology. How far did the most » Dr. Friedrich MttUer, Grundrias der SprachwUsenschaft, Band i, pp. 151-156. II M T XVII Digitized 'by Google XVlll INTRODUCTION. cultivated nations of the Western Continent ascend this scale of grapliic development? This question is as yet unanswered. All agree, however, that the highest evolution took place among the Nahuatl-speaking tribes of Mexico and the Maya race of Yucatan. I do not go too far in saying that it is proved that the Aztecs used to a certain extent a phonetic system of writing, one in which the figures refer not to the thought, but to the sound of the thought as expressed in spoken lan- guage. This has been demonstrated by the researches of M. Aubin, and, of late, by the studies of Senor Orozco y Berra.^ Two evolutionary steps can be distinguished in the Aztec writing. In the earlier the plan is that of the rebus in combination with ideograms, which latter are nothing more than the elements of picture-writing. Ex- amples of this plan are the familiar 'tribute rolls'' and the names of towns and kings, as shown in several of the codices published by Lord Kings- borough. The second step is where a conventional image is employed to represent the sound of its first syllable. This advances actually to the level of the syllabic alphabet; but it is doubtful if there are any Aztec records entirely, or even largely, in this form of writing. They had only reached the commencement of its development. The graphic system of the Mayas of Yucatan was very different from that of the Aztecs. No one at all familiar with the two could fail at once to distinguish between the Manuscripts of the two nations. They are plainly independent developments. We know much more about the ancient civilization of Mexico than of Yucatan; we have many more Aztec than Maya Manuscripts, and hence we are more at a loss to speak with positiveness about the Maya system of writing than about the Mexican. We must depeiid on the brief and unsat- isfactory statements of the early Spanish writers, and on what little modern research has accomplished, for means to form a correct opinion; and there is at present a justifiable discrepancy of opinion about it among those who have given the subject most attention. ^AubiD, M6moire sur la Pciniure didaciique et V Ecriture figurative des ancicne Mexicains, in Iho intro- duction to Brasseur (tie Bourbourg)'s Ilistoire des Xaiions civilis^es du Mcxique ct de VAmirique Centrale, torn, i; Manuel Orozco y Beira, Eusayo de Descif radon gcrofflifica, in the Analcs del Museo nacional de MdricOt torn, i, ii. Digitized by Google INTRODUCTION. xix 2.— DESCRIPTIONS BY SPANISH WRITERS. The earliest exploration of the coast of Yucatan was that of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517. The year following, a second expedition, under Juan de Grijalva, visited a number of points between the island of Cozumel and the Bahia de Terminos. Several accounts of Grijalva's voyage have been preserved, but they make no distinct reference to the method of writing they found in use. Some native books were obtained, however, probably from the Mayas, and were sent to Spain, where they were seen by the historian Peter Martyr. He describes them in general terms, and compares the characters in which they were written to the Egyptian hieroglyphics, some of which he had seen in Rome. He supposes that they contain the laws and ceremonies of the people, astronomical calculations, the deeds of their kings, and other events of their history. He also speaks in commendation of 'the neatness of their general appearance and the skill with which the drawing and paint- ing were carried out. He further mentions that the natives used this method of writing or drawing in the affairs of common life.^ Although Yucatan became thus early known to the Spaniards, it was not until 1541 that a permanent settlement was effected, in which year Francisco de Montejo, the younger, advanced into the central province of Cell Pech, and established a city on the site of the ancient town called Ichcanziho, which means **the five (temples) of many oracles (or serpents)," to which he gave the name Merida, on account of the magnificent ancient edifices he found there. Previous to this date, however, in 1534, Father Jacobo de Testera, with four other missionaries, proceeded from Tabasco up the west coast to the neighborhood of the Bay of Campeachy. They were received amicably by the natives, and instructed them in the articles of the Christian faith. They also obtained from tlie chiefs a submission to the King of Spain; and I mention this early missionary expedition for the fact stated that each chief signed this act of submission ''with a ceitain mark, like an autograph." ' Petor Martyr, decad. iv, cap. viii. Digitized by Google XX INTRODUCTION. This document was subsequently taken to Spain by the celebrated Bisliop Las Casas.^ It is clear from the account that some definite form of signa- ture was at that time in use among the chiefs. It might be objected that these signatures were nothing more than rude totem marks, such as were found even among the hunting tribes of the Northern Mississippi Valley. But Las Casas himself, in whose possession the documents were, here comes to our aid to refute this opinion. Ho was familiar with the picture-writing of Mexico, and recognized in the hiero- glyphics of the Mayas something difi^erent and superior. He says expressly that these had inscriptions, writings, in certain characters, the like of which were found nowhere else.^ One of the early visitors to Yucatan after the conquest was the Pope's commissary-general. Father Alonzo Ponce, who was there in 15S^. Many natives who had grown to adult years in heathenism must have been living then. He makes the following interesting observation : ** The iratives of Yucatan are, among all the inhabitants of New Spain, especially deserving of praise for three things: First, that before the Span- iards came they made use of characters and letters, with which they wrote out their histories, their ceremonies, the order of sacrifices to their idols, and their calendars, in books made of the bark of a certain tree. These were on very long strips, a quarter or a third (of a yard) in width, doubled and folded, so that they resembled a bound book in quarto, a little larger or smaller. These letters and characters were understood only by the priests of the idols (who in that language are called Ahkins) and a few principal natives. Afterwards some of our friars learned to understand and read them, and even wrote them."^ The interesting fact here stated, that some of the early missionaries ^ " Sc sujetaroii de sa propria voluntad al Sefioriotle los Keies do Castilla, rtcibiendo al Empcratlor, como Rei do EspaRa, per Sefior supremo y universal, o liicieron ciertas seDales, como Firmas; lasqnales, con testimonio do los Eoligiosos Frauciscos, quo alU estahan, ]lev6 consigo el buen Obispo de Chiapa, Don Fr. Bartolome do las Casas, amparo, y defensa de estos Indios, quando se fud 6> Espafia." Torquo- mada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. xix, eap. xiii. * "Letreros do ciertos caractores que en otra ninguna parte." Las Casas, Hiatoria apohgetica de las Indios Ocddentalcs, cap. cxxiii. ^Relacion Breve y Vcrdadera de Algunas Cosas de las muchas que 8uc€die)'an al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce-y Commissario General, en las Provincias de la Xuera Espaiia, in the Coleccion de Documentos para la Bhtoria de Espana, torn. Iviii, p. 392. The other traits ho praises in the natives of Yucatan are their freedom from sodomy and cannibalism. Digitized by Google. INTRODUCTION. XXI not only learned to read these characters, but employed them to instruct the Indians, has been authenticated by a recent discovery of a devotional work written in this way. The earliest historian of Yucatan is Fr. Bernardo de Lizana.^ But I do not know of a single complete copy of liis work, and only one imperfect copy, which is, or was, in the city of Mexico, from which the Abbd Bras- seur (de Bourbourg) copied and republished a few chapters. Lizana was himself not much of an antiquary, but he had in his hands the Manuscripts left by Father Alonso de Solana, who came to Yucatan in 1 565, and remained there till his death, in 1599. Solana was an able man, acquired thoroughly the Maya tongue, and left in his writings many notes on the antiquities of the country.^ Therefore we may put considerable confidence in what Lizana writes on these matters. The reference which I find in Lizana to the Maya writings is as follows: *'The most celebrated and revered sanctuary in this land, and that ti) which they resorted from all parts, was this town and temples of Ytzamal, as they are now called ; and that it was founded in most ancient times, and that it is still known who did found it, will be set forth in the next chapter. '*III. The history and the authorities which we can cite are certain ancient characters, scarcely understood by many, and explained by some old Indians, sons of the priests ctf their gods, who alone knew how to read and expound them, and who were believed in and revered as much as the gods themselves," etc.^ We have here the positive statement that these hieroglyphic inscrip- tions were used by the priests for recording their national history, and that by means of them they preserved the recollection of events which took place in a very remote past. Another valuable early witness, who testifies to the same effect, is the Dr. Don Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, who was cura of Valladolid, in Yucatan, * Bernardo do Lizaua, JSiatoria de Yucatan. Devocionario de liuestra Senora de Lsmaly y Conquista Espiritual, 8vo. Pincise (Valladolid), 1G33. *For these facte see Diego Lopez CogoUudo, Historia de Yucatan, lib. ix, cap. xv. Cogolludo adds that in his time (1650-60) Solana's MSS. could not bo found ; Lizana may have sent them to Spain. 31 add the original of the most important passage: "La historia y autores quo poderaos alegar son unos autignos caracteres, mal entendidos de niuchos, y glossados do unos indios antiguos, que son hijos de los sacerdotcs de sus dioses, quo son los que solo sabian leer y adi\'inar, y a quien creiau rover- cnciavan como ii Dioses dcstos." Digitized by Google Xxii INTRODUCTION. in 1596, and, later, dean of the chapter of the cathedral at Merida. His book, too, is extremely scarce, and I have never seen a copy; but I have copious extracts from it, made by the late Dr. C. Hermann Berendt from a copy in Yucatan. Aguilar writes of the Mayas : "They had books made from the bark of trees, coated with a white and durable varnish. They were ten or twelve yards long, and were gath- ered together in folds, like a palm leaf. On these they painted in colors the reckoning of their years, wars, pestilences, hurricanes, inundations, famines, and other events. From one of these books, which I myself took from some of these idolaters, I saw and learned that to one pestilence they gave the name Mayacimil^ and to another Ocnakuchilj which mean 'sudden deaths' and * times when the crows enter the houses to eat the corpses.' And the inundation they called Hunyecil, the submersion of trees." ^ The writer leaves it uncertain whether he learned these words directlv from the characters of the book or through the explanations of some native. It has sometimes been said that the early Spanish writers drew a broad line between the picture-writing that they found in America and an alpha- betic script. This may be true of other parts, but is not so of Yucatan. These signs, or some of them, are repeatedly referred to as ** letters," letras. This is pointedly the case with Father Gabriel de San Buenaventura, a French Franciscan who served in Yucatan about 1670-80. He pub- lished one of the earliest grammars -of the language, and also composed a dictionary in three large volumes, which was not printed. Father Beltran de Santa Rosa quotes from it an interesting tradition preserved by Buena- ventm*a, that among the inventions of the mythical hero-god of the natives, Itzamna, or Kinich ahau, was that of " the letters of the Maya language," with which letters they wrote their books.^ Itzamna, of course, dates back to a misty antiquity, but the legend is of value, as showing that the char- acters used by the natives did, in the opinion of the early missionaries, deserve the name of letters. • Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, Informe contra Idolorum cultores del ObUpado de Yucatan, 4to. Madrid, 16:>9, ff. 124. « **E1 primero quo Lall6 las letras de la lengaa Maya 6 hiz6 el c6niputo delos aflos, meses y edadcs, y lo euselio todo a los Indies de esta Provincia, fud un Indio Wamsulo KinchahaUj y por otronomhre Tzanina.^' Fr. Pedro Beltran de Santa Ro^ Maria, Jrte del fdioma Mayay p. 16 (2ded., Mdrida de Yuca- tan, I8ii0). Digitized by VnOOQ IC / INTRODUCTION. xxiii Father Diego Lopez CogoUudo is the best-known historian of Yucatan. He lived about the middle of the seventeenth century, and says himself that at that time there was little more to be learned about the antiquities of the race. He adds, therefore, substantially nothing to our knowledge of the subject, although he repeats, with positiveness, the statement that the natives **had characters by which they could understand each other in writing, such as those yet seen in great numbers on the ruins of their buildings." ^ This is not very full. Yet we know to a certainty that there were quantities of these manuscripts in use in Yucatan for a generation after CogoUudo wrote. To be sure, those in the christianized districts had been destroyed, wherever the priests could lay their hands on them; but in the southern part of the peninsula, on the islands of Lake Peten and adjoining territory, the powerful chief, Canek, ruled a large independent tribe of Itzas. They had removed from the northern provinces of the peninsula somewhere about 1450, probably in consequence of the wars which followed the dissolution of the confederacy whose capital was the ancient city of Mayapan. Their language was pure Maya, and they had brought with them in their migration, as one of their greatest treasures, the sacred books which contained their ancient history, their calendar and ritual, and the prophecies of their future fate. In the year 1697 they were attacked by the Spaniards, under General Don Martin de Ursua; their capital, on the island of Flores, in Lake Peten, taken by storm ; great numbers of them slaughtered or driven into the lake to drown, and the twenty-one temples which were on the island razed to the ground. A minute and trustworthy account of these events has been given by Don Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, in the course of which several references to the sacred books, which he calls Analtes, occur. The king Canek, he tells us, in reading in his Analtes, had found notices of the northern provinces of Yucatan and of the fact that his pre- 1 Diego Lopez Cogollndo, Hisiaria de Yucatan, lib. iv, cap. iii. The origiual is: **No acostnm- braban escribir los pleitos, aanque teuiati caracteres con quo bo eut43udiau, do quo so vou mucbos ou las ruiuas do los edificios." Digitized by Google Xxiv INTRODUCTION. decessors had come thence, and had communicated these narratives to his chiefs.^ These books ai'e described as showing ** certain characters and figures, painted on certain barks of trees, each leaf or tablet about a quarter (of a yard) wide, and of the thickness of a piece of eight, folded at one edge and the other in the manner of a screen, called by them AnallehesP ^ When the island of Flores was captured these books were found stored in the house of the king Canek, containing the account of all that had happened to the tribe.^ What disposition was made of them we are not informed. I have reserved until now a discussion of the description of the Maya writing presented in the well-known work of Diego de Landa, the second bishop of Yucatan. Landa arrived in the province in August, 1549, and died in April, 1579, having passed most of the intervening thirty years there in the discharge of his religious duties. He became well acquainted with the language, which, for that matter, is a comparatively easy one, and though harsh, illiberal, and bitterly fanatic, he paid a certain amount of attention to the arts, religion, and history of the ancient inhabitants. The notes that he made were copied after his death and reached Spain, where they are now preserved in the library of the Royal Academy of History, Madrid. In 1864 they were published at Paris, with a French translation, by the Abbd Brasseur (de Bourbourg). Of all writers Landa comes the nearest teUing us how the Mayas used their system of writing; but, unfortunately, he also is so superficial and obscure that his words have given rise to very erroneous theories. His description runs as follows: **This people also used certain cliaracters or letters, with which they wrote in their books their ancient matters and their sciences, and with them (i. e.j with their characters or letters), and figures (i. e., drawings or pic- ' ''Porque lo leia 8u Rey en bus Analtehes, teuiau Noticias de aquellas Proviucias de Tacatan (que AnaltebcSy 5 Historias, es una misma cosa) y de qae sua Pasados avian Salido de ollas/' Hiaioria de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Btdvccion y Progresses de la de el Lacandon, etc. (folio, Madrid, 1701) lib. vi, cap. iv. ^Tbid.f lib. vil, cap. 1. ' '^ Y en sa casa tambien tenia de estos Idolos, y Messa de Sacrificios, y los Analtebcs, 6 Historias de todo qnanto loa avia sncedido." lhid,f lib. viii, cap. xiii. Digitized by Google INTEODUCJTION. XXV tures), and some signs in the figures, they understood their matters, and could explain them and teach them. We found great numbers of books in these letters, but as they contained nothing that did not savor of superstition and lies of the devil we burnt them all, at which the natives grieved most keenly and were greatly pained. "I will give here an a, &, c, as their clumsiness does not allow more, because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters, and for marking the parts another, and thus it could go on in infinitum^ as may be seen in the following example. Le means a noose and to hunt with one; to write it in their characters, after we had made them understand that there are two letters, they wrote it with three, giving to the aspiration of the I the vowel ^, which it cames before it; and in this they are not wrong so to. use it, if they wish to, in their curious manner. After this they add to the end the compound part."^ I need not pursue the quotation. The above words show clearly that the natives did not in their method of writing analyze a word to its primitive phonetic elements. *'This," said the bishop, " we had to do for them." There- fore they did not have an alphabet in the sense of the word as we use it. • On the other hand, it is equally clear, from his words and examples, that they had figures which represented sounds, and that they combined these and added a determinative or an ideogram to represent words or phrases. The alphabet he gives is, of course, not one which can be used as the Latin a, 6, c. It is surprising that any scholar should ever have thought so. It would be an exception, even a contradiction, to the history of the evolu- tion of human intelligence to find such an alphabet among nations of the sta^e of cultivation of the Mayas or Aztecs. The severest criticism which Landa's figures have met has been from the pen of the able antiquary. Dr. Phillip J. J. Valentini. He discovered that many of the sounds of the Spanish alphabet were represented by signs or pictures of objects whose names in the Maya begin with that sound. Thus he supposes that Landa asked an Indian to write in the native char- acter the Spanish letter a, and the Indian drew an obsidian knife, which, 'Diogo de Landa, Relacion de las Coaaa de Ytu^atatij pp. 316, 318, seq. Digitized by Google XXvi INTRODUCTION. says Dr. Valentini, is in the Maya ach; in other words, it begins with the vowel a. So for the sound ki^ the Indian gave the sign of the day named kimich. Such is Dr. Valentini's theory of the formation of Landa's alphabet; and not satisfied with lashing with considerable sharpness those who have endeavored by its aid to decipher the Manuscripts and mural inscriptions, he goes so far as to term it "a Spanish fabrication." I shall not enter into a close examination of Dr. Valentiui's supposed identification of these figures. It is evident that it has been done by run- ning over the Maya dictionaiy to find some word beginning with the letter under criticism, the figurative representation of which word might bear some resemblance to Landa's letter. When the Maya fails, such a word is sought for in the Kiche or other dialect of the stock; and the resemblances of the pictures to the supposed originals are sometimes greatly strained. But I pass by these dubious methods of criticism as well as several lexicographic objections which might be raised. I believe, indeed, that Dr. Valentini is not wrong in a number of his identifications. But the conclu- sion I draw is a diflferent one. Instead of proving that this is picture- writing, it indicates that the Mayas used the second or higher grade of phonetic syllabic writing, which, as I have before observed, has been shown by M. Aubin to have been developed to some extent by the Aztecs in some of their histories and connected compositions (see above page xxviii). There- fore the importance and authenticity of Landa's alphabet are, I think, vin- dicated by this attempt to treat it as a "fabrication."^ Landa also gives some interesting details about their books. He writes: "The sciences that they taught were the reckoning of the years, months, and days, the feasts and ceremonies, the administration of their sacraments, the fatal days and seasons, their methods of divinatioil and prophecies, events about to happen, remedies for diseases, their ancient history, together with the art of reading and writing their books with characters which were written, and pictures which represented the things written. "They wrote their books on a large sheet doubled into folds, which ^ Dr. Valcutiui's article was publibhcd iu the ProcevdiHfjs of the American Antiquarian Society, 1&60, ami also separately. Digitized by Google INTRODUCTION. XXVII was afterwards inclosed between two boards which they decorated hand- somely. They were written from side to side in columns, as they were folded. They manufactured this paper from the root of a tree and gave it a white surface on which one could write. Some of the principal nobles cultivated these sciences out of a taste for them, and although they did not make public use of them, as did the priests, yet they were the more highly esteemed for this knowledge."^ From the above extracts from Spanish writers we may infer that — 1. The Maya graphic system was recognized from the first to be dis- tinct from the Mexican. 2. It was a hieroglyphic system, known only to the priests and a few nobles. 3. It was employed for a variety of purposes, prominent among which was the preservation of their history and calendar. 4. It was a composite system, containing pictures (Jiguras)^ ideograms (caracteres), and phonetic signs (letras). 3.— REFERENCES FROM NATIVE SOURCES. We might reasonably expect that the Maya language should contain terms relating to their books and writings which would throw light on their methods. So, no doubt, it did. But it was a part of the narrow and crushing policy of the missionaries not only to destroy everything that related to the times of heathendom, but even to drop all words which referred to ancient usages. Hence the dictionaries are more sterile in this respect than we might have supposed. The verb *'to write" is dzib^ which, like the Greek ypd(peiv^ meant also to draw and to paint. From this are derived the terms d^iban, some- thing written; dsibal^ a signature, etc. Another word, meaning to write, or to paint in black, is zabac. As a noun, this was in ancient times applied to a black fluid extracted from the zabacchey a species of tree, and used for dyeing and painting. In the sense ^ Diego de Landa, Belaclon de las Co9€ia de Yucatan , p. 44. Digitized by Google XXVlll INTKODUCTILN. of 'Ho write," zabac is no longer found in the language, and instead of its old meaning it now refers to ordinary ink. The word for letter or character is uooh. This is a primitive root found with the same or a closely allied meaning in other branches of this linguistic stock, as, for instance, in the Kich(3 and Cakchiquel. As a verb, pret. uootahy int. tiootd^ it also means to form letters, to write; and from the passive form, uoohal, we have the participial noun, uooJian, something writ- ten, a manuscript. The ordinary word for book, paper, or letter, is huun^ in which the aspirate is almost mute, and is dropped in the forms denoting possession, as u uuUy my book, yuunil Dies, the book of God, il being the so-called ** de- terminative" ending. .It occurs to me as not unlikely that www, book, is a syncopated form of uoohan^ something written, given above. To read a book is xochuHy literally to count a book. According to Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, the name of the sacred books of the Itzas was analte. In the printed Diccionario de la Lengua Maya, by Don, Juan Pio Perez, this is spelled anahtcy which seems to be a later form. The term is not found 'in several early Ma3''a dictionaries in m}?- pos- session, of dates previous to 1700. The Abb(5 Brasseur, indeed, in a note to Landa, explains it to mean "a book of wood," but it can have no such signification. Perhaps it should read hunilte^ this being composed of hunilj the "determinative" form of huun^ a book, and the termination fe', which, added to nouns, gives them a specific sense, c. g. amayte, a square figure, from amay, an angle; tzucubtt, a province, from tzuc^ a portion separated from the rest. It would mean especiall}^ the sacred or national books. The particular class of books which were occupied with the calendar and the ritual were called tzolante, which is a participial noun from the verb t^oly passive t^olal, to set in order, to arrange, with the suffix te. By these books were set in order and arranged the various festivals and fasts. When the conquest was an accompHshed fact and the priests had got the upper hand, the natives did not dare use their ancient characters. They exposed themselves to the suspicion of heresy and the risk of being burnt alive, as more than once happened But their strong passion for literature remained, and they gratified it as far as they dared by writing in their own Digitized by Google INTRODUCTIO:Nr. xxix tongue with the Spanish alphabet vohimes whose contents are very similar to those described by Landa (above, page xxvi). A number of these are still in existence and oflfer an interesting field for antiquarian and linguistic study. Although, as I say, they are no longer in the Maya letters, they contain quite a number of ideograms, as the signs of the days and the months, and occasional cartouches and paintings, which show that they were made to resemble the ancient manuscripts as closely as possible. They also contain not infrequent references to the "writing'' of the ancients, and what are alleged to be extracts from the old records, chiefly of a mystic character. The same terms are employed in speaking of the ancient graphic system as of the present one. Thus in one of them, known as "The Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel," occurs this phrase: Bay dzibanil tumenel Evangelistas yetel prof eta Balam — "as it was written by the Evangelists, and also by the prophet Balam," this Balam being one of their own celebrated ancient seers. Among the predictions preserved from a time anterior to the Conquest, there are occasional references to their books and their contents. I quote, as an example, a short prophecy attributed to Ahkul Chel, "priest of the idols." It is found in several of the oldest Maya manuscripts, and is in all probability authentic, as it contains nothing which would lead us to suppose that it was one of the "pious frauds" of the missionaries. "-BnAi orbte katune yume, maixtan a naaU; Ualac u talel, mac bin ca oabac tu coo pop; Katune yume bin uluc, holom nil tucal ya; Tali ti xaman^ tali ti cJiikine; ahkinob uU yane yume; Mac to ahkin, mac to ahbobat, bin alic u than uoohe^ Ychil Bolon AhaUj maixtan a naatef^^ "The lord of the cycle has been written down, but ye will not under- stand; He has come, who will give the enrolling of the years; The lord of the cycle will arrive, he will come on account of his love; Digitized'by Google XXX INTRODUCTION. He came from the north, from the west. There are priests, there are fathers, But what priest, what prophet, shall explain the words of the books, In the Ninth Ahau, which ye will not understand?"^ From this designedly obscure chant we perceive that the ancient priests inscribed their predictions in books, which were afterward explained to the people. The expression bin alic u than iioohe — literally, **he will speak the words of the letters" — seems to point to a phonetic writing, but as it may be used in a figurative sense, I shall not lay stress on it.' 4.— THE EXISTING CODICES. The word Codex ought to be confined, in American archaeology, to manuscripts in the original writing of the natives. Some writers have spoken of the ** Codex Chimalpopoca," the ''Codex Zumarraga," and the "Codex Perez," which are nothing more than manuscripts either in the native or Spanish tongues written with the Latin alphabet. Of the Maya Codices known, only three have been published, which I will mention in the order of their appearance. T]ie Dresden Codex. — This is an important Maya manuscript preserved in the Royal Library at Dresden. How or when it came to Europe is not known. It was obtained from some unknown person in Vienna in 1739. * I add a few notes on this text : Enhi is the preterit of the irregular verb half to be, pret. enhij fat. enao, Katun yum, father or lord of the Katun or cycle. Each Katun was under the protection of a special deity or lord, who con- trolled the events which occurred in it. Ta coo pop, lit., **for the rolling up of Pop," which was the first month in the Maya year. Holom is an archaic future from hul; this form in om is mentioned by Buenaventura, Arte de la Lengua Mayaj 1684, and is frequent in the sacred language, but does not occur elsewhere. Tucal ya, on account of his love; but ya means also " suffering," " wound," and "strength," and there is no clue which of these significations is meant. Ahkinoh; the original has tukinohf which I spspect is an error; it would alter the phrase to mean "In that day there are fathers" or lords, the word yuMf father, being constantly used for lord or ruler. The ahkin was the priest ; the ahhobatwsLS a diviner or prophet. The 9th Ahau Katun was the period of 20 years which began in 1541, according to most native authors, but according to Landa's reckoning in the year 15G1. «In quoting and explaining Maya words and phrases in this article, I have in all instances fol- lowed the Dicdonario Maya-Eepanol del Convmto de Motul (Yucatan); a copy of which in manuscript (one of the only two in existence) is in my possession. It was composed about 1580. The still older Maya dictionary of Father Villalpando, printed in Mexico in 1571, is yet in existence in one or two copies, but j have never seen it. Digitized by Google INTRODUCTION. xxxi This Codex corresponds in size, appearance, and manner of folding to the descriptions of the Maya books which I have presented above from Spanish sources. It has thirty-nine leaves, thirty-five of which are colored and inscribed on both sides, and four on one side only, so that there are only seventy-four pages of matter. The total length of the sheet is 3.5 meters, and the height of each page is 0.2 f 5 meter, the width 0.085 meter. The first publication of any portion of this Codex was by Alexander von Humboldt, who had five pages of it copied for his work, Viies des Cor- dilUres et Monumens des Peuples Indigenes de VAndriquej issued at Paris in 1813 (not 1 810, as the title-page has it). It was next very carefully copied in full by the Italian artist, Agostino Aglio, for the third volume of Lord Kingsborough's great work on* Mexican Antiquities^ the first volume of which appeared in 1831. From Kingsborough's work a few pages of the Codex have been from time to time republished in other books, which call for no special mention. Two pages were copied from the original in 1855, and appeared in Wuttke's Geschichte der Schrift^ Leipzig, 1872. Finally, in 1 880, the whole was very admirably chromo-photographed by A. Naumann's establishment at Leipzig to the number of fifty copies, forty of which were placed on sale. It is the first work which was ever published in chromo-photography, and has, therefore, a high scientific as well as antiquarian interest. The editor was Dr. E. Forstemann, aulic counselor and librarian-in- chief of the Royal Library. He wrote an introduction (17 pp. 4to) giving a history of the manuscript, and bibliographical and other notes upon it of much value. One opinion he defends must not be passed by in silence. It is that the Dresden Codex is not one but parts of two original manuscripts written by different hands. It appears that it has always been in two unequal fragments, which all previous writers have attributed to an accidental injury to the original. Dr. Forstemann gives a number of reasons for believing that this is not the cor- rect explanation, but that we have here portions of two different books, having general similarity but also many points of diversity. . This separation led to an erroneous (or perhaps erroneous) sequence of Digitized by Google XXXli INTRODUCTION. the pages in Kingsborough's edition. The artist Aglio took first one frag- ment and copied both sides, and then proceeded to the next one; and it is not certain that in either case he begins with the first page hi the original order of the book. The Codex Peresiantis^ or Codex Mexicanus, No. 11, of the Biblioihhque Nationale of Paris. — ^This fragment — for it is unfortunately nothing more — was discovered in 1859 by Prof Leon de Rosny among a mass of old papers in the National Library. It consists of eleven leaves, twenty-two pages, each 9 inches long and 5 J inches wide. The writing is very much defaced, but was evidently of a highly artistic character, probably the most so of any manuscript known. It unquestionably belongs to the Maya manu- scripts. Its origin is unknown. The papers in which it wjis wrapped bore the name "Perez," in a Spanish hand of the seventeenth century, and hence the name "Peresianus" was given it. By order of the Minister of Public In- struction ten photographic copies of this Codex, without reduction, were pre- pared for the use of scholars. None of them was placed on sale, and so far as I know the only one which has found its way to the United States is that in my own library. An ordinary lithographic reproduction was given in the Archives paleographiques de T Orient et de VAmirique, tome i (Paris, 1869-'71). The Codex Tro, or Troano. — The publication of this valuable Codex we owe to the enthusiasm of the Abb^ Brasseur (de Bourbourg). On his return from Yucatan in 1864 he visited Madrid, and found this Manuscript in the possession of Don Juan de Tro y Ortolano, professor of paleography, and himself a descendant of Hernan Cortes. The abhd named it Troano, as a compound of the two names of its former owner; but later writers often content themselves by referring to it simply as the Codex Tro, It consists of thirty-five leaves and seventy pages, each of which is larger than a page of the Dresden Codex, but less than one of the Codex Peresianus. It was published by chromolithography at Paris, in 1869, prefaced by a study on the graphic system of the Mayas by the abb(5, and an attempt at a translation. The reproduction, which was carried out under the efficient care of M. Leonce Angrand, is extremely accurate. All three of these codices were written on paper manufactured from Digitized by Google INTRODUOTION. XXXlil the leaves of the maguey plant, such as that in common use in Mexico. In Maya the maguey is called ci, the varieties being distinguished by various prefixes. It grows luxuriantly in most parts of Yucatan, and although the favorite tipple of the ancient inhabitants was mead, they were not unac- quainted with the intoxicating pulque^ the liquor from the maguey, if we can judge from their word for a drunkard, ci-vinic (viniczzman). The old writers were probably in error when they spoke of the books being made of the barks of trees; or, at least, they were not all of that kind. The above-mentioned three Manuscripts are the only ones which have been published. I shall not enumerate those which exist in private hands. So long as they are withheld from the examination of scientific men they can add nothing to the general stock of knowledge, and as statements about them are not verifiable it is useless to make any. I may merely say that there are two in Europe and two or three in Mexico, which, from the descriptions I have heard or read of them, I think are probably of Maya origin. In addition to the Manuscripts, we have the mural paintings and inscriptions found at Palenque, Copan, Chichen Itza, and various ruined cities within the boundaries of the Maya-speaking races. There is no mis- taking these inscriptions. They are unquestionably of the same character as the Manua^cripts, although it is also easy to perceive variations, which are partly owing to the necessary differences in technique between painting and sculpture ; partly, no doubt, to the separation of age and time. Photographs and "squeezes" have reproduced many of these inscrip- tions with entire fidelity. We can also depend upon the accurate pencil of Catherwood, whose delineations have never been equalled. But the pictures of Waldeck and some other travelers do not deserve any confidence, and should not be quoted in a discussion of the subject. Both in the inscriptions, manuscripts, and paintings the forms of the letters are rounded, and a row of them presents the outlines of a number of pebbles cut in two. Hence the system of writing has been called ** cal- culiform," from calcultis, a pebble. The expression has been criticised, but I agree with Dr. Forstemann in thinking it a very appropriate one. It was suggested, I belisve, by the Abbd Brasseur (de Bourbourg). Ill M T Digitized by Google XXxiv INTBODUCTION. 5.— EFFOETS AT LNTERPEETATION, The study of the Maya hieroglyphic system is still in its infancy. It is only two years since an unquestionably faithful reproduction of the Dresden Codex supplied a needed standard of comparison for the Codex Troano. Some knowledge of the Maya language, if not indispensable, is certainly desirable in such an undertaking, particularly if the writing is in any degree phonetic. But it was not till 1877 that any printed dictionary of that tongue could be had. The publication of the Diccionario de la Lengua Maya of Don Juan Pio Perez was completed in that year, arid, though still leaving much to be desired, especially in reference to the ancient forms and meanings of words, it is a creditable monument of industry. When the Abb^ Brasseur edited the Codex Troano he also attempted an explanation of its contents. He went so far as to give an interlinear version of some pages, and wonderful work he made of it! But I am relieved of expressing an opinion as to his success by his own statement in a later work, that he had, by mistake, commenced at the end of the Codex instead of its beginning; that he had read the lines from right to left, when he should have read them from left to right; and that his translations were not intended for more than mere experiments.^ The attempt at a translation of the Dresden Codex by Mr. William BoUaert, published in the Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London^ 1870, may be passed over for the same reason. He also "read from the bottom upwards, and from right to left," and his renderings were altogether fanciful. The first who addressed himself to an investigation of the Maya hieroglyphics with anything like a scientific method was M. Hyacinthe do Charencey, of France. I append, in a note, a list of his essays on this subject, with their dates, so far as I know them.^ When they first appeared 1 Br JBseur do Bourboarg, Bibliotheque Mexico-Guai^malienne, pricidee d^un Coup d^CEil sur les JStudea Jm^rkaineSj p. xxvii, note (Paris, 1871). ^ JTjaciuthe de Charencey, Essai de D6chxfremenl d^un fragment d^inacription P I cannot find that the exact date of the discovery is given anywhere. Bancroft says "about 1665,'' but a careful examinatioQ of Brasseur's Introduction satisfies me it was at least as late as 1866. 1 M T Digitized by Google A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. ecuted, apparently, after the paper was folded, so that this does not interfere with the writing. The facsimile edition is divided into two parts, paged separately; the first part containing thirty-five pages or plates, numbered with simple Roman numerals from I to XXXV; the second with Roman numerals accompanied by a star, thus: XII*; but this part has only thirty -four pages, numbered I* to XXXIV* ; the first plate, which appears to be — as Brasseur has designated it — the "title page," is not numbered. The two parts I presume are made to correspond with the two sides of the original ; the title page being at the end of one side and forming the page on the first fold. The lines and columns of written characters are uniformly black, some of the numeral characters red, others black; the pictorial portions are usually red, brown, or blue, but occasionally varied with black, and often simply outline figures. The background of the compartments or spaces on which the figures are painted is usually white, but in some cases it is blue, in others, brown or red. Several of the plates are more or less damaged, all of the imperfections, as it is claimed, being reproduced in the faC'Simile edition. Our colored plates, which are reproduced from the faC'Simile work, will give the reader an idea of the characters and figures. It is admitted by all who have made the comparison, that the written characters belong to the same class as those given by Landa. Although there are numerous variations, and also some characters in the manuscript not given by him, yet most of his letter and day characters, especially the latter, can be found identical in form and details. As proof of this I give here the following examples of exact copies after Landa and the Manuscript: ^CP Fig. 1.— Comparison of Lauda's cLaracters with tlioso of tbo Troano mannscript. Digitized by Google TiioMAs] DAY AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 3 This fact is sufficient of itself to authorize us to pronounce it a Maya document, a conclusion which we shall find strengthened as we proceed in our examination of its contents. As what is known in regard to Mexican and Central American writings has been presented by Dr. Brinton in the Introduction, I will not go over the same ground here, but will confine myself to the special object in view, to wit: an explanation and discussion of what I believe to be real discov- eries made during my examination of the contents of this work. As before stated, an examination of this manuscript is sufficient to convince any one at all familiar with Landa's characters that those here used are substantially the same, be their signification what it may. On almost every page are to be found columns of characters agreeing precisely with those given by him as representing the Maya days. These are generally placed at the left of the compartments or spaces containing the figures, and as a general rule there are five characters in a column. Another prominent feature is the great number of numeral characters — dots and short straight lines. These are found on every plate, often dozens on a single page. The frequent occurrence of these day and numeral characters, often in connection, led to the belief that the work was a kind of religious cal- endar, a belief strongly supported by the character of the figures in the spaces. With this as the only opinion to hamper or aid me, as the case might be, I began the study of the Manuscript. I was convinced that if I could form a correct idea of the general design of the work it would aid greatly in deciphering its characters. As the day and numeral characters seemed to afford the most direct road to this desired result, I began with these. Brasseur de Bourbourg has designated the day columns "legends," believing them to contain a summary of what is written, or represented by the figures in the compartments to which they severally belong. That they are characters representing the Maya days he admitted, but as the names of these characters have each one or more significations, it was his belief that they were used to express this signification, and not simply as the names of days. Digitized by Google 4 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. To be able to decide positively whether this opinion of the Abbe's was correct or not, would, I felt, be taking one important step toward ascer- taining the contents of this mysterious document, as these day columns form a considerable part of it. The frequent occurrence of numerals in connection with these day characters appeared to indicate dates or the numbering of days, somewhat as we find them in our ordinary calendars. How to verify or disprove this inference was the first problem that presented itself. Digitized by Google ^ CHAPTER II. THE MAYA CALENDAR. The Maya divisions of time (no notice is taken here of the divisions of the day) were as follows: The day, the week, the month, the year, the five intercalated days, the week of years, the Ahau or Katun, the cycle of fifty-two years, and the Ahau Katun or great epoch. The day (*'Kin" or Sun) was used in the ordinary sense, each of the twenty days of the month having its name, as we name the days of our week, and its character or hieroglyph, as follows: KAN. CHICCHAN. CI Ml. MAN IK. LAMAT« AKBAL* g) ® o © Fig. 2.— Day characters. The characters here given are copied from Landa's work, our only original authority on this point. There are several important variations from these forms found in the Manuscript, but these, the orthography of the names according to different authors, together with the significations of the names, have been given by others, hence will not be repeated here. Although the month did not always commence with the same day, the order of the days as here given, to wit, Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, Lamat, Digitized by Google 6 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. Muluc, Oc, Chuen, Eb, Ben, Ix, Men, Cib, Caban, Ezanab, Cauac, Abau, Ymix, Ik, Akbal, was always preserved. For example, if the month began with Muluc, tlie second day would be Oc, the third Chuen, and so on to Akbal; then followed Kan, just as we would name seven days com- mencing, say, with Wednesday, then Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, Monday, &c. The Maya year contained 365 days and consisted of two unequal parts, as follows: 360 days, or the year proper, divided into eighteen months of twenty days each; and five intercalary days, which were addecj at the end in order to complete the number 365. The eighteen months were named and numbered as follows: 1. Pop; 2. Uo; 3. Zip; 4. Tzoz; 5. Tzec; 6. Xul; 7. Yaxkin; 8. Mol; 9. Chen; 10. Yax; 11. Zac; 12. Ceh; 13. Mac; 14. Kankin; 15. Muan; 16. Pax; 17. Kayab; 18. Cumhu. POP. UO. ZIP. Tzozv rztOh Fig. 3. — Month characters. The year always commenced with the sfone month — Pop — the others invariably following in the order given, so that the number of the month being given we know its name. But eighteen months of twenty days each not completing the year, five days were added after the close of Cumhu — not as a part of that month, for no month could have either more or less than twenty days — to complete Digitized by / Google TH0MA8.1 METHOD OF NUMBERING THE DAYS. 7 the number 365, and were called ** nameless days" (though in reality named as other days); and were considered unlucky. If the year began with Kan, the last day of the eighteenth month — Cumhu — would, as a matter of course, be Akbal, the last of the twenty. The five intercalated days were named in regular order following the last of Cumhu, and in this case would be Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and Lamat. The next — Muluc — would begin the new year. Muluc being the first day of the month, Lamat would necessarily be the last — the five added days at the end of the year would be Muluc, Oc, Ohuen, Eb, and Ben, making Ix the first of the following year. Ix being the first, Ben would be the last of Cumhu, and the added days being Ix, Men, Cib, Caban, and Ezanab, Cauac would be the first of the next year, the added days would close with Akbal, and the following year commence with Kan. It will be seen from this, that the year always commenced with one of the four days, Kan, Muluc, Ix, Cauac, following each other regularly in the order given. If these were all the peculiarities of the system, the Maya calendar would be comparatively simple and easily understood. But another method of numbering the days was introduced, doubtless long after the calendar had assumed a regular form, and probably by the priests, for the purpose of complicating it and rendering it as far as possible unintelligible to the people. This was to limit the number to thirteen, or, in other words, to divide the year into periods of thirteen days. I have followed other modern authors in calling this period a week, though it ap- pears the Mayas gave it no name, nor in fact do they seem to have consid- ered it a period, but simply a method of numbering the days and years. As there were twenty names of days to be used, the introduction of this system of thirteen numerals, as the one chiefly adopted in giving dates, necessarily greatly complicated the calendar, and, together with the inter- calation of the five days at the end of the year, produced some singular results. To illustrate this I give first a list of days for one month (Table No. I) numbered according to this system, following it with a table (No. II) num- bered in the same way for an entire year — something after the manner of our common counting-house calendar. Digitized by Google 8 STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. Table I. J. Kau. 6. Muluc. 11. Ix. • 3. Cauac, 2. Chiccbau. 7. Oc. 12. Men. 4. Ahaa. 3. Ciini. 8. Chuen. 13. Cib. 6. Yinix. 4. Manik. 9. Eb. 1. Cabau. (;. Ik. 5. Lam at. 10. Ben. 2. Ezanab. Table IL • 7. AkbaL Names of tlie months. Numbers of tlio months Nam'€8ofthe days, Kan Chicchan.. Cimi Manik Lamat Mnlnc Oo Chuen Eb Ben Ix Men Cib Caban .... Ezanab ... Cuuao Ahau Ymix Ik Akbal . I '^ 1^ >* 10 N 11 12 1^ 13 14 15 16 17 18 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 c4 -a 2 It will be seen by examining this table, the year in this case commences with Kan, the other nineteen days following in regular order as here- tofore given. They are numbered regularly from one until we reach thirteen^ then we com- mence again with one^ the month ending with Akbal 7 Kan Chicchan Cimi Manik . . . Lamat .. Digitized by Google NAMES AND NUMBEES OF THE YEAiPS. 9 The second month — Uo — begins with 8 Kan; when we reach 13, which is now Muluc, we must follow it with 1 Oc, and so on to the end of the year. The last day of Cumhu in this case will be 9 Akbal and the last of the five intercalated days 1 Lamat; it follows therefore that the first day of the next year will be 2 Muluc. If we run through this second year in tlie same way, commencing it with 2 Muluc followed by 3 Oc, 4 Chuen, and so on, we shall find that the third year will begin with 3 Ix; continuing this j)rocess we ascertain that the fourth commences with 4 Cauac, the fifth with 5 Kan, the sixth with 6 Muluc, the seventh with 7 Ix, the eighth with 8 Cauac, the ninth with 9 Kan, the tenth with 10 Muluc, the eleventh with 11 Ix, the twelfth with 12 Cauac, the thirteenth with 13 Kan, the foui-teenth with 1 Muluc, the fifteenth with 2 Ix, and so on. From this we see that no year, after the first, commences with a day numbered 1 until thirteen have been completed, thus forming a period of 13 years, or as it is designated, *'A week of years" or "Indication." By continuing the above process we shall find that no year will again commence with 1 Kan until 52, (or 13X4,) — are completed. Table III. KAN TABLE. • Muluc 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1* 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Table IV. CAUAC table. i 1 1 «5 1 ii 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1* 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 » 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google 10 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. In order to make this as plain as possible I will give here a table of years for one cycle of 52 years. As there is some doubt as to which of the two years — 1 Kan or 1 Cauac — the cycle began with, I give tables (Nos. Ill and IV) for both. By this time the reader is sufficiently conversant with this sytem to know that if the cycles commence with 1 Kan, as in the left-hand table (No. Ill), the year following 13 Cauac would be I Kan and the commence- ment of another cycle. If the true method were as given in the right-hand table (No. IV), then 13 Ix would be followed by 1 Cauac, the first year of the next cycle. This follows, as will readily be seen, from the fact that 52 is the least common multiple of 4 and 1 3. The importance of knowing which one of these arrangements was that used by the Mayas will be apparent from the following illustration: A cer- tain event is dated a particular day in the year 1 Ix; if the table we have headed 1 Kan be correct it would then be in the 27th year of the cycle; if the other be the true method it would then be in the 40th year of the cycle, or thirteen years later. These years are marked with a star in Tables III and IV. As this system admits of fifty -two changes in the day on which the year begins, it would require fifty-two dififerent calendars to cover one cycle, just as fourteen calendars are required to suit all the years of our system, seven for the ordinary years and seven for the leap-years. As it would require much time and space to write these out in full, I have adopted the expedient shown in the following table (No. V), of abbreviating the work. First we have at the left four columns, each containing the names of the twenty days of the month. As I am inclined to believe that the author of the manuscript adopted the system which had Cauac as the first day of the cycle, the first or left-hand column commences with this day, the others, Kan, Muluc, and Ix, following in the order in which they are found in the list of days. The first column is therefore the one to be used for all the Cauac years; the second for all the Kan years; the third for all the Muluc years, and the fourth for all the Ix years. The reader must be careful to remember, that when one day of the month is determined it determines all Digitized by Google THOMAS. J CONDENSED MAYA CALENDAR. 11 the rest, and as a consequence all the rest of the year; therefore when we find what the first day of the year is, we can easily determine any day of any month. As each of the four leading days or "year-bearers," as they were called by the Mayas, can have but thirteen different numbers it is unnecessary to extend our columns of numbers further than thirteen. Table V. iietiittiiL. Caaao Abau Yraix Ik Akbal Kan Chiccban .. Cimi Manik Laniat Muluo Oc Chaen Eb Ben Ix Hen Gib Caban Ezanab Knit Kan Cbicchan.. Cimi Manik Lamat Muluc ..... Oc Cbuen Eb Ben Ix Men Gib Gaban Ezanab Ganao Abau Ymix Ik Akbal Mill DC Mnluc Go Ghnen Eb Ben Ix Men Gib Gaban ..... Esanab Ganao Ahau Yrai^ Ik Akbal Kan Ghicchan.. Gimi Manik .... Lamat Is eolutnu. Ix Men Gib Gaban Ezanab Gaoao Abaa Ymix Ik Akbal Kan Ghiccbkn.. Cimi Manik Lamat Molao Go Ghuen Eb Ben 4 a IT ' H 10 J3 II 8 10 NCM. ttf IFm Daytqf month. 1 2 8 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 IS 10 20 By referring to the table No. II of days and mouths we observe that when we have completed the thirteenth column, or the column of the thirteenth month, the next, or fourteenth month, commences with 1; just as the first month; the fifteenth with 8, as the second; the sixteenth with 2, as the third; the seventeenth with f>, as the fourth; and the eighteenth with 3, as the fifth. Instead therefore of having eighteen columns in our table, we need extend it only so as to include the thirteenth, as we can use the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth for the fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth months respectively, as indicated by the num- bers of the months which we have pi aced above the table over the figure Digitized by Google 12 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. columns. The reader must bear in mind that, although we have numbered the months as commencing with the left-hand column, which has 1 for its upper figure, yet this only holds good when the year is 1 Cauac, 1 Kan, 1 Muluc, or 1 Ix, and for none of the other years. The first month of the year may be any one of the thirteen columns, thus: 8 Cauac, 8 Kan, 8 Muluc, and 8 Ix have the second column, which has 8 for its upper figuVe, as their first month; then the one commencing with 2 will be the second month column, that with 9 the third, with 3 the fourth, with 10 the fifth, with 4 the sixth, with 11 the seventh, with 5 the eighth, with 12 the ninth, with 6 the tenth, with 13 the eleventh, the last or one commencing with 7 the twelfth. Now we go back to the first — commencing with I — which will be the thirteenth, with 8 the fourteenth, with 2 the fifteenth, with 9 the sixteenth, with 3 the seventeenth, with 10 the eighteenth. Thus we count through and go back to the left, and so continue until we reach the number of the month desired; We will now illustrate the use of this table by some examples, but first we must warn the reader not to confuse the day of the month with the day of the week; the numbers of the days of the month are given in the extreme right-hand column of the table, which is not counted as one of the thirteen; the days of the week, as heretofore stated, are always given thus: 3 Ymix, 12 Caban, 7 Oc, &c. Now, to illustrate the method of using the table, let us find in what months and on what days of the months in the years 11 Cauac, 11 Kan, 11 Muluc, and 11 Ix, the day 8 Ahau will fall. For the year 11 Cauac we must look to the Cauac column. We find here that Ahau is the second day of the month; iiinning our eyes along the second transverse line, we find the figure 8 in the thirteenth column, which has 7 as the top num- ber; going back to the column which has 11 as the upper or top number and counting the columns up to this (that has 7 as the top number), we find it to be the sixth month. We thus ascei-tain that 8 Ahau of the year 1 1 Cauac is the second day of the sixth month. To find where it falls in 1 1 Kan we must first find Ahau in the Kan column. By running our eyes down this column we see that it is the 17th day of the month; then, by looking along the 17th transverse line we find the figure 8 to be in the col- umn which has 5 at the top, which is the second or fifteenth from that with Digitized by Google THOMAS. J EXPLANATION OF CONDENSED CALENDAR. 13 11 at the top. Therefore 8 Ahau of the year 11 Kan is the 17th day of the second and also of fifteenth month.^ In the same way we ascertain that 8 Ahau of the year 11 Muluc is the twelfth day of the twelfth month, but in this case we have to count the columns from the one commencing with 11 (always inclusive) to the right, through to the thirteenth (the one with 7 at the top), and go back to the first and count up to the one in which we find the figure 8 in the twelfth transverse line. We also find that 8 Ahau of the year 11 Ix is the seventh day of the ninth month. If I have succeeded in making this complicated system thus far intel- ligible to the reader, I may hope to succeed in conveying a correct idea of what is to follow. Now let us test our arrangement by a historical example. In the Perez manuscript translated by Stephens and published in his "Yucatan," Vol. II, it is stated that one Ajpula died in the year 4 Kan, the 18th day of the month Zip, on 9 Ymix. The year 4 Kan commences with the column of our table which has 4 for the top figure. The third month (Zip) will then be the column with 5 at the top; running down this to the eighteenth transverse line we find the figure 9; we also observe that the 18th day in the Kan column of the names of days is Ymix, agreeing exactly with the date given. In the manuscript Troano there is another method of giving dates which is very common throughout the work. Thus: which, according to my interpretation, the reasons for ^ < Red.* which will be hereafter given, signifies 13 Ahau of the ^ ^ ^ thirteenth month. As neither the year nor the day of the month is given, it is evident that we may find more than one day answering to this date, but let us hunt them out and see where they fall. Referring to our table we will first take the Ahau of the Cauac column, which is in the second transverse line; the 13 in 1 The reader can readily see from the table why any day found in the first, second, third ffoitrth, or fifth month will be fonnd twice in the year. > As colors cannot be introduced into these figures, the red numerals will be represented in out- line. Digitized by Google 14 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. this line we observe is in the tenth column (12 at top); counting back thirteen months (always including the one from which we start), we find that the first month of the year is the column having 6 at the top. The backward counting is exactly the reverse of the forward method heretofore explained; count to the left until the first column is reached, then go back to the thirteenth. We thus ascertain that 13 Ahau of the 13th month falls on the second day of the month in the year 6 Cauac. Proceeding in the same way with the Ahau in the Kan, Muluc, and Ix columns, we obtain the seventeenth day of the month in the year 4 Kan, twelfth in 9 Muluc, and seventh in 1 Ix. We thus ascertain that the years are 6 Cauac, 4 Kan, 9 Muluc, and 1 Ix. If we examine Table III, showing the years of the cycle, we shall find as a matter of course that these years occur but once in the entire period. In order apparently to further complicate this calendar, which was undoubtedly devised by the priests, as Landa says, "to deceive that simple people," another period called the Ahau or Katun was introduced. This period, according to most authorities, consisted of twenty years, but accord- ing to Perez of twenty -four. It is in reference to this period that we find the chief difference between authorities, because upon the proper determina- tion of its length, and the numbering, depends the possibility of identifying dates of the Maya calendar with corresponding ones of the Christian era. In order to settle these points it is necessary not only to determine the length of the Ahau or Katun, but also the number of Katunes contained in the great cycle, the method in which they were numbered, and the proper position of these numbers in this long period. Up to the present time these are the rocks on which all the calculations have been wrecked. My chief object, therefore, so far as the calendar is concerned, will be to settle if possible these disputed points; but will defer the discussion of these questions to a subsequent part of this paper, remarking only for the present that, accord- ing to all authorities, these Katunes were numbered as follows, and in the order here given: 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2; this number com- pleting the great cycle or Ahau-Katun,^ which consisted of 260 years if the » I use this compound term for the grand cycle only. Eaiun and Jhau are used separately oe equivalents and as applying only to the period of 20 or 24 years ; Ct/cle for the period of 52 years. Digitized by Google THOMAS.] USE OF DAY AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 15 Katun included only 20 years, but of 312 if it contained 24 years, as main- tained by Perez. We are now prepared to discuss the question presented as to whether the numerals and day characters found so frequently in connection with each other are simply dat^s, somewhat as we find them in our ordinary calendars, or not. The first point to be determined is whether these day characters are used simply to denote days, or because of the signification of the words, as Brasseur supposed. This, as will be readily perceived, also involves the important question as to whether Landa was connect in his statement, that they were the symbols or characters used to denote days. The argument must therefore be somewhat in a circle; hence the evi- dence adduced must be strong to support the position assumed, and must agree in the essential points with the Maya calendar so far as positively determined. In order to decide this point we now turn to the manuscript itself. Referring to Plate X we find that the left-hand column of the middle division (always reading from tlie top downwards) is composed of the char- acters representing the following Maya days, in the order here given: Oc, Cib, Ik, Lamat, Ix. If we turn to Table V, containing the list of days, and count on either of the four columns of names, from one of these names to the next, we shall find in each case an interval of just six days: from Oc to Cib six days; from Cib to Ik six days, and so on. The Other column, same plate and division, is composed of the characters for Ahau, Cimi, Eb, Eza- nab, and Kan, with an interval of six days between each two. Turning now to Plate VI, middle division, we find the days in the left-hand column to be Caban, Ik, Manik, Eb, and Caban, with an interval of just five days between each two. In the upper division of Plate XVII the interval is twelve days; and the same is true in reference to the other columns on this plate. In the left-hand column of the third division of Plate XXXI the interval is sixteen days. Although the interval is generally the same throughout a column, yet there are occasional departures from this rule; for example, on Plate XIII, the left-hand column of the upper division is composed of the characters for Digitized by Google 16 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. the following days: Kan, Oc, Cib, Ahau, and Ik. From Kan to Oc is an interval of six days; from Oc to Cib six; from Cib to Ahau four; from Ahau to Ik two Here we may be allowed to digress for a moment from the direct line of our argument in order to show how the discovery of this fact may enable us to detemiine an uncertain or obliterated character.^ The right-hand column of the middle division of this plate (XIII) contains an unusual character bearing little if any resemblance to any of Landa's day characters. The days of this column, in the order they stand, are a» follows: Oc, Ik, ^^|, and Ezanab. From Oc to Ik is an interval of twelve days; from Ik to Ix twelve days; from Ix to ?(Cimi) twelve days, and from Cimi to Ezanab twelve days. We may therefore feel pretty well assured that this unusual character is a variant of Cimi^ and not of Ahau, as Brasseur supposed.^ The right-hand column of the lower division of the same plate contains the same unusual character which, if counted as Cimi, gives an interval of six days between each two. This regularity in the order of the days is sufficient to prove, beyond any reasonable doubt, that they were not used on account of the significa- tion of the words. In some cases the combination, if interpreted according to the usual meaning of the words, may, by a somewhat strained interpre- tation, be formed into a sentence, but such cases are exceedingly rare, only one having, so far, been observed, and here it is purely accidental. The agreement between the characters found in the Manuscript and the order of the days as found in the Maya calendar is also a strong proof that Landa was correct in the characters assigned and in the order of the days as he has given them. It would be impossible to find such a large number of agreements — more than 200 columns and over 1,000 days — if Landa were wrong in either respect, or if we were wrong in our interpre- 1 This was written before I had seen Charency's papers on this subject. «In a plate of the "Book of Chllan Balam of K^ua/' copied by Dr. Brinton in his article on the Books of Chilan Balam, presented to the Nnm's. and Antiq. Soc. of Phila., Jan., 1882, p. 16, one character for Lamat differs from this only in the middle stroke sloping to the left instead of to the right as this does. Leon de Rosny (Ehsay Dechiff. Ecrit. Hicrat., Ist Livr., 17) interprets it as I do. 'Nor of Caban as interpreted by Charency (Dechif. des Ecrit. Calcnl, Mayas, &c., 1879, p. 26). Digitized by Google THOIIA8.1 NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 17 « tation. 1 sliall therefore consider the following points settled, and shall henceforth proceed upon that basis: 1st That the Manuscript is a Maya document. 2d. That Landa has given the order of the days and their symbols correctly. 3d. That the day characters in these columns are used simply to indi- cate the days they represent, and not the signification of the words. It is now generally conceded by all who have studied these hiero- glyphics that' the Maya method of designating numbere was by the use of lines and dots, thus: one dot signifying 1, two dots 2, and so on up to 4; that five was represented by a single short straight line; ten by two lines, and so on. According to this system, a straight line and a dot, thus ■ would signify 6; two straight lines and two dots, thus A^ t would stand for 12. ' As heretofore remarked, these numei'al characters are found on every page of the manuscript, and if we judge by the color, some being red and others black, they belong to two different classes, or at least are used for two diffeBent purposes. As they are generally associated with the day characters, the latter in fact never being without them, the natural inference is that they are used to denote dates. As there are two classes, it is not probable that more than one of these is used to number the days. If we examine the red numerals on all the plates of the manuscript, we shall find that — except on the title-page, which is evidently peculiar — they never indicate a greater number than 13 (there is one apparent ex- ception where the number appears to be fourteen, but the additional dot is imperfect, and is either a blotch or evident mistake). In some places we OOP find such red numerals as this f 4 , apparently denoting 14, but a more o careful study of the plates on which these are found satisfies me that there are two numbers here, 13 and 1. From this fact I infer that the red numerals are used here to designate the days or years of the Maya week, which, iis I have shown, consisted of thirteen days or years, especially in the computation of time in reference to religious feasts and ceremonies. 2 M T Digitized by Google 18 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. But there is still stronger evidence on this point, which I will now introduce. For this purpose I will have to ask the reader to observe carefully Table VI. Table VII. § o 1 5 9 13 4 8 12 3 7 11 2 j6 10 1 5 9 13 4 8 12 3 7 11 2 10 S 2 6 10 1 5 9 13 4 8 12 3 7 11 12 3 3 6 7 10 11 1 2 5 6 9 10 13 1 4 5 8 9 12 13 3 4 7 8 M\ our colored Plates I, II, III, and IV, which are exact copies of XX- XXIII of the Manuscript. He will notice that the extreme left-hand column of Plate IV (Man. XXIII) contains only the character for Cauac, which is repeated thirteen times, and that over each is a red numeral. Near the top are certain other characters with which we have nothing to do at present. Commencing with the upper Cauac and moving down the col- umn we find the numbers over them, so far as they cau be made out, as follows: 10, 1, 5, 9, 13, 4, 8, 12, (?), 7, (?), 2, 6. If these num- bers relate here to the days of the week, why this peculiar order? If we refer to Table II of the days of the months and year, and run our eyes along the transverse line opposite Cauac, we shall find the order to be as follows: 1, 8, 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, wholly different from what we see here. If we construct a table of years simi- lar to those already given (III and IV), but extended over two com- plete cycles of 52 yeai-s each, we shall be able to explain this mystery. We give here, for the reasons here- 13 1 1 1— 1 i 4 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 ^ ^ 8 J 10 j hi 12 13 l\ I ^ 3 4 5I \ ^ 7 8 91 10 11 12 13 > > 1 2 3 *1 \ ^ 6 7 8< \ ^ 10 11 12 <13 1 2 3< 1 * 6 6 7| 5 ^ 9 10 11< H2 13 1 2) \ ^ 4 5 6? 7 8 J 10 jll j-JT 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google THOMAS] EXPLANATION OF THE RED NUMERALS. 19 tofore stated, two tables, one with Cauac as the initial day (VI) and the other with Kan (VII). Running our eyes down the Cauac column of either- table to U\ we find thirteen numbers from this downwards, as follows, and in the order here given: 10, I, 5, 9, 13, 4, 8, 12, 3, 7, 11, 2, 6, precisely as they are on the plate of the manuscript On Plate XXII (our Plate III) the repeated character of the left-hand column is Kan, the numerals over which (reading from the top downwards) are as follows: 11, 2, 6, 10, 1, 5, 9, (I), 4, 8, 12, 3, 7, 11, precisely the same and in the same order as we find them in the Kan column of our tables ; the obliterated one being, as we see from this, 13. On Plate XX (our Plate I) the repeated character of the left-hand column is Tx. The num- bers here, so far as they can be made out, are 13, (?), 8, 12, 3, 7, 11, 2, 6, 10, 1, 5, 9, precisely the same and in the same order as in the Ix column of our tables. The repeated character on Plate XXI (our Plate II) is Muluc; the numbers are 12, 3, 6, 10, 1, 5, 9, 13, 4, 8, 2, 7, 3. If we compare these with the Muluc column of our tables, we find that after the first two numbers there is a skip of three numbers before we reach the 6 which should follow according to the plate. But what appears here as a contradiction of my supposition is, as I believe, the sti'ongest evidence of its correctness. If we examine the tables carefully we will observe that after reaching the second' figure, — 3, — in the Muluc column, the next figure in the adjoining column, is 6, and from thence to 8 the same as on the plate. From this I am led to believe the writer had before him a table similar to those I have given, except that it was written in their numeral characters, and that, by mistake in copying, his eye fell on the wrong column. That such tables were used by them is rendered probable by the following quotation which Perez makes from an ancient manuscript in his possession: "They had another number which they called Ua Katun, which served them as a key to find the Katunes and according to the order of their march, it falls on the two days of the Uayebhadh and revolves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9, .•>, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8,' 4." By commencing at the bottom of the right- hand column of either table of years and running up we find precisely these numbers and in the order given. It is scarcely possible these could have been obtained except by a table similar to those I have given. Digitized by /Google 20 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. We know that tables of days of this form are to be found in some two or three of the Mexican Codices; something similar is also to be found in the Dresden Codex, and by placing the columns of these four plates of the Manuscript side by side we will have just such a table.^ But be this as it may, the exact agreement in the other three cohimns, and the fact that the years named and numbered appear to belong to one continuous period of time — ^an all-important point in this connection — show, as we think, conclusively that our explanation of these numerals and the day characters, and of the use here made of them, is correct. If so, then the red numerals are used to number the days and yeara of the week, or, in other words, to number the days and years exactly as the various writers have stated was the usual custom. We have marked this period on the tables of years with waved lines so as to be seen at a glance, as we shall have occasion hereafter to refer to it. As further proof that these red numerals are limited to the thirteen series, I now call attention to certain short columns found in the middle division of Plates VII*-X*. These consist of three days each — Cib, Caban, and Ezanab — and each day has a numeral over it, as follows (I give here the exact order in which they stand on the plates, although I have doubts as to the correctness of Brasseur's paging): 6. Gib. 13. Gib. 4. Gib. 11. Gib. 5. Gib. 12. Gib. 2. Gib. 7. Gaban. 1. Gaban. 5. Gaban. 12. Gaban. 6. Gaban. 13. Gaban. 3. Gaban. 8. Ezanab. 2. Ezanab. 6. Ezanab. 13. Ezanab. 7. Ezanab. 1. Ezanab. 4. Ezanab. ' Since the above was written, I have been so fortunate as to procnre a copy of Leon De Rosny's EsscU svr le DSchiffrement de VEcrilure ffieraiique de VJmerique CentraUy in which I tind a copy of a plate of the Codex Cortesianus, and also of one plate of the Codex Peresianus. In the former is part of a table of days arranged precisely as in my table, except that they are placed horizontally, as here shown, instead of in columns: Muluc. y c. Chncn. Eb. Been. Ix. Men. Cib. Caban Ix. Men. Cib. Caban. Ezanab. Cauac. Ahau. Imix. Ik. Cauac. Ahau. Ymix. Ik. Akbal. Kan. Chicchan. Cimi. Maii^k Kan. Chicchan. Cimi. Manik. Lamat. Muluc. Oc. Chucn. Eb. Whether or not this fragment contains the commencement, I jim unable to say; that it does i^ot contain the conclusion, I am satisfied. We have here proof that the order when in lines is from the left to the right. The other plate (from the Codex Peresianus) contains a column similar to those in the four plates of the Manuscript Troano, but here the repeated day {Been) is the last of one of the years as in the Dresden Codex. Digitized by Google TI10MA8 1 EXPLANATION OF THE BLACK NUMEBALS. 21 9. Cib. 3. Cib. 10. Cib. 7. Cib. 1. Cib. a Cib. 10. Caban. 4. Caban. 11. Caban. a Caban. 2. Caban. 9. Caban. 11. Ezanab. 5. Ezanab. 12. Ezanab. 9. Ezanab. 3. Ezanab. 10. Ezanab. If we turn to our condensed calendar, Table V, we see that these three days follow each other as shown here, and by examining the different columns we can find all the numbers here given. This fact, together with the method of numbering, is sufficient of itself to establish the correctness of the opinion I have advanced in reference to these red numerals. That they are here used to number the days is evident from the fact that they are applied to those days which are never used to name the years. From what has been shown in reference to Plates XX-XXIII (our Plates I, II, III, and IV) we see that they are also used to denote the years of the week or ** Indication." The next point to be determined is the use of the black numerals. Here we shall find the task more difficult, but it is necessary to determine this before we can proceed in our effort to fix the dates, which are given in great numbers in the Manuscript, and by means of which we hope to settle the disputed points in regard to the calendar. I shall at present omit any reference to the "title-page," which, as I have said, is peculiar, and cannot therefore be used in the present inves- tigation. As we find repeatedly throughout the work black numeral char-* acters denoting 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18, it is evident they do not refer to the days or years of the week. They must therefore be used to denote the numbers of the months, or of the days of the months. That they are not used to number the Ahaues or the years of these periods is evident from the fact that these are always numbered by the thirteen series, or, in other words, never have applied to them any number exceeding 13; the years are also designated by the four days Cauac, Kan, Muluc, and Ix. But in order that the reader may see clearly the difficulty of deciding this point satisfactorily it will be necessary for me to illustrate it by exam- ples from the Manuscript. As before mentioned, the day characters are nearly always in columns — Digitized by Google 22 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. usually of five characters each — ^at the left of the compartments or spaces, o OCQ ®^^^ column usually with a red numeral over it For exam- ple, in the lowest division of V* the column consists of five characters, as shown here (Fig. 5), which denote the days (reading from the top downward) Oc, Ik, Ix, Oimi, and Ezanab. The red numeral at the top is 9. The black nu- meral at the side in the space is three lines or 15. (In this case there is but one of these black numerals in the space or compartment, but usually there are several, and also several red ones.) Now, I take for granted that placing the red numeral at the top of the column is equivalent to apply- ing it to each day in the column, thus: 9 Oc, 9 Ik, 9 Ix, 9 Cimi, and 9 Ezanab. There is also one red numeral — Fig. 5. 13 — ^in the space, as shown in the annexed cut. ' Leaving this last out of consideration for the present, let us proceed upon the supposition that the black numeral signifies the day of the month. Examining our condensed calendar (Table V), we see that of the five days Ezanab is the only one that ever falls on the 15th of the month. As this will be found true of at least two columns out of every three throughout the Manuscript it is apparent that these numerals are not used here for this purpose; but even could all be found on the proper day of the month we .would still be without any fixed date. Take, for instance, Ezanab in this case, which does fall on the 1 5th day of the month in the years commenc- ing with Kan; the figure 9 in the fifteenth transverse line is found in the second column. What month? In the year I Kan it is in the second month, in the year 8 Kan it is in the first month, in the year 2 Kan it is in the thirteenth month, and so on throughout the thirteen Kan years. Some may contend that it was not the intention to fix the years, as this is possi- bly the date of some feast or religious ceremony to be observed each year. I answer that, laying aside the insuperable objection already given, even this supposition would be erroneous — first, because in the case before us Ezanab falls on the 15th day of the month only once every four years, and with each year the month is changed. But it is unnecessary to discuss this Digitized by Google TII0MA8.) EXPLANATION OF THE BLACK NUMERALS. 23 supposition further, as not one day out of three ever falls on the day given if these black numerals denote the days of the month. We will next proceed on the supposition that these indicate the months. In that case the dates given in the present example will be 9 Oc, 9 Ik, 9 Ix, 9 Cimi, and 9 Ezanab of the 16th month (Muan). In this the feast, relig- ious ceremony, or whatever the date refers to, occui's always in the same month, and so far agrees with what is left on record in reference to religious ceremonies and observances. As only the day and month are given, it is possible, as heretofore stated, to find four dates to each day. Now, let us hunt out, by the use of our condensed calendar, the yeai-s on which these several dates fall. Commencing with 9 Oc, we look first for this day in the Cauac column; having found it to be the twelfth day of the month, we run our eyes along the twelfth transverse line of figures until we reach the figure 9, which we find to be in the eighth column (the one with 11 at the top) ; counting back fifteen months (including the one 9 is in) we reach the column with 4 at the top The year is tnerefore 4 Cauac. We next find Oc in the Kan column; it is here the seventh day of the month, and 9 is in the fifth column (the one with 3 at the top); counting back fifteen months (going towards the left until we reach the first column, and then to the thir- teenth, and moving back toward the left), we reach the fourth column (with 9 at the top). The year is therefore 9 Kan. We next find Oc in the Muluc column, and by the same process obtain the year 1 Muluc. Next we find Oc in the Ix column, and by the same process ascertain the year to be 12 Ix. Pursuing the same method with the other days, we obtain the following result: 9 0c. 9 Ik, 9/x. 9 Cimi, 9 Ezanab. Years. . . . 4 Cauac. 12 Cauac. 13 Cauac. 8 Cauac. 9 Cauac. Years. ... 9 Kan. 10 Kan. 5 Kan. 13 Kan. IKan. Years. ... 1 Muluc. 2 Muluc. 10 Muluc. 11 Muluc. 6 Muluc. Years. ...12 Ix. 7Ix. 2Ix. 3Ix. 11 Ix. Now, let us construct a table (No. VIII) of yeai-s for one cycle, as this includes all possible variations in the numbers and names of the years, and see where those obtained will fall. Marking each of the years with a star, we find that they belong to one continuous period. So far the result is favorable, and what will probably attract the attention of those who have Digitized by Google 24 A STUDY OF THE MANU8CBIPT TEOANO. devoted some time to the study of this subject is the fact that the period embraced is precisely that which is supposed by most authorities to con- stitute one Ahau. But let me here warn such reader against a too hasty conclusion. Supposing we are so far correct, what use are we to make of the red numeral— rl3 — in the space! Let us suppose that it is also to be applied to the days as the other red numeral, using the same month. This gives us the following years: 13 Oc. 13 Ik, VMx, laCtwi. n Ezanab. Years — 8 Oauac. 3 Ganac. 4 Gauac. 12 Gaaac 13 Gauac. Years 13 Kan. 1 Kan. 9 Kan. 4 Kan. 5 Kau. Years — 5 Moluc. 6 Mulac. 1 Mulac. 2 Malac. 10 Malac. Years. . . . 3 Ix. 11 Ix. 6 Ix. 7 Ix. 2 Ix. If we attempt to locate these in the same cycle as the preceding period, Table VIII. ^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ t^^^* the two clash with each other — that is, that some of the years of the first are the same as some of the second; but it is evident they may be located in another cycle. Before proceeding further with the discussion of this difficult question, we must remind the reader of what possibly he has already inferred — that in our allusion to the "intervals'* between the days of the col- umns, our object then was simply to show a regularity not consistent with the idea that they were used on account of the signification of the words, and not to lead him to suppose that the real interval intended was only the number of days mentioned. We also wish to call his attention to another fact which is becoming more and more apparent as we proceed — ^that the regularity of the intervals which seems apparent, whatever may be our final conclusion as to what the black numerals refer to, and the great number of dates as compared with the text, preclude the supposition that the work is historical. I shall there- fore proceed upon the theory that it is, to a large extent at least, a kind of religious calendar — not with any particular desire to maintain this opinion. 1 1 1 o 4 1 2 3 6 6 7 ^ pg* io»jYi» 12»j I 13» !• 2» 3*\ \ *' 6* 6» 7»| I ^* 9» 10* ll»| \j^ 13» !• 2*\ 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google THOMAS] METHOD OF FINDING DATES INDICATED BY NUMERALS. 25 but simply because I find the evidence pointing in this direction, and also that it is next to impossible to advance farther without having some theory. Table IX From what has been shown it is apparent that the interpretation I have given is a possible one, the chief objections to which are, firsts the large number of dates in the Manuscript that this plan would give us, which, according to a rough calculation I have made, would amount to something like ten thousand; second^ the ex- tent of time these dates must necessarily cover, which cannot be less than one great cycle of 312 years. The Dresden Codex, which is evidently similar in character to the Manuscript Troano, presents, if possi- ble, still greater difficulties to the settlement of this ques- tion, as here we find the black numeral for 19 fi'equently connected directly with the red ones. But so far as I have examined dates of this kind they do not appear to be necessarily associated with the day characters on the same page. In this codex the dates are also much more numerous than in the Tro. Ms., a number of pages being filled almost exclusively with numerals and day charac- ters. Month characters are also introduced ; hence it is probable the day of the month is often given. On page II (Tro. Ms.), in the left column, middle division (see fig. 99), the days (counting from the top downwards) are Manik, Cauac,^ Chuen, Akbal, Men, the red numeral over the column 1. In the space are three black nume- rals 6, 11, and 9, also two red ones 10 and 3. Using the red 1 and the black 6, as heretofore, we find the years to be as follows: 1 Came, 1 Chuen, 1 Akbal, 1 Men, 5 Gauac. G Oauac. 1 Oauac. 2 Gauac. 3 Kan. 11 Kan. 12 Kan. 7 Kan. 8 Mulac. 3 Muluc. 4 Muluc. 12 Muluc. 13 Ix. llx. 9Ix. 4Ix. The period is found to be continuous, and is suiTOunded on the annexed table (No. IX) by a continuous dark line. In this case it commences with > Gauac is represented here by an unusual character. 1 1 c5 a a 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 13 10 11 12 1 1* 2» 3* 1 4» 5» 6» 7»: i 8» 9» 10» 11»| il2» 13» 1» 2*: 1 3» 4» 5» 6»| 1 '• i »l 9 1 10 11 |l2« 13* 1» 2* 3» 4» 5» 6» 7* 8» 9» 10» 11» 12» 13« 1* 6» 2» 3» 4» 10 7 11 8 12 9 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1 Mattik, Years — 10 Gauac. Years 2 Kan. Years 13 Muluc. Years 5 Ix. Digitized by Google 26 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. Kan. If we use the red 3 and the black 6 the result will be as shown in Ihe group surrounded on the table by the dotted line. As the reader is perhaps by this time aware, it might be located below the first by extending the table, but still would give us no clue to the proper position of the Ahaues. There are two other possible suppositions, to wit: that the red numeral over the column refers to the number of the Ahau, and that in the space to the number of the days; and, second, just the reverse of this, that the red number in the space refers to the Ahau and that over the column to the number of the days, the black one in each case denoting the number of the month. As it will be impossible for us to decide in reference to these supposi- tions until we can locate the Ahaues and determine their numbers, I will postpone further discussion of the point for the present, proceeding for the time being upon the only plan so far found consistent with what is known of the Maya calendar. As heretofore stated, the greater number of the day columns contain just five characters. Why this number! If we use the numerals as shown by the above examples, this will give us for each red numeral twenty years, agreeing with the number counted to the Ahau, whether we follow most authorities or Perez; for, according to the latter, who holds that there are twenty four years in this period, only twenty are usually ** counted"; four being generally omitted as unlucky, or for some other reason. That some- thing of this kind, arising from the system itself, was the cause of placing five days in so many columns is more than probable. If I am correct in this supposition, it not only agrees with the method of using the numerals above suggested, but it will also determine the years that form the diflferent Ahaues. Following up this suggestion, let us see if it is possible to determine from the Manuscript the length of the Ahau as understood by the author. As the most likely method of deciding this question, I will select a number of the day columns, find from them the years indicated according to the plan heretofore given, and locate them in tables of years. We can then see what relation they bear to each other. Digitized by Google Table X. T1I0MA8.1 METHOD OF FINDING DATES INDICATED BY NUMERALS. 27 The first I select is found in the lower division of Plate XX VL The column is as liiere shown — Fig. 6 — the days are Aliau, Eb, Kan, Cib, Lamat o o o In addition to these red numerals, we find in the space occu- pied by the figures five black and five red numer- rals, each thirteen. Why there should be five pairs of numerals, each denoting the same num ber, I confess myself unable to decide; I shall therefore leave this question to be discussed here- after, if I find any reasonable explanation Ac- cording to the interpretation already given, the red numerals indicate the days, the black the months. Hunting out the years as in the pre- ceding example we find them to be as follows: \ZAkau, XZEb, 1.3 JTaii. 13 Ct5. 13 Xomat. Tears . .6 Gaaac. 7 Gauac. 2 Gaaac. 3 Ganac. 11 Gauac. Years.. 4 Kan. 12 Kan. 7 Kan. 8 Kan. 3 Kan. Years.. 9 Maine. 4Mulac. 5Maluc. 13Maluc. 1 Maine. Years., llx. 2Ix. 10 Ix. 6Ix. 6Ix. Fig. 6. These years are marked with a star and the group surrounded by a continuous dark line on the an- nexed table of years. No. X. For reasons hereafter given I adopt the system which commences the cycle with 1 Cauac. As Plate XXVII relates obviously to the same gen- eral subject, I select the left-hand day column of its upper division as our next example. The days are Ahau, Eb, Kan, Cib^ and Lamat, the same as in the preceding exam-, pie, the red or day numeral 11, the black or month nu- meral 13. These give us the following yeai's: 10 11 1*1 2» 6* 9» 13 4* "8 12 G* 10* 1* 13 1 ^ 12* 13» i : 3* 4#i 7* 8*! 11» i2»i 2» 3»; G 10 11 3»j 4» 11»|12» 2» 6» 3» I»i 2» 5»| 6»' 9»!l0* 13*1 4»| 6» 8 I 9 10 11 ;i2« 3» 13^; 4»l 1» 2» i 6» 6» 7* 8»| 9* 10» 11» 12»i U3» 1 4* 1» 5» 2» 3*i \ 6 10 7 8 9 11 Days.... 11 Alvavk, 11^6. ll^on. 11 C/6. 11 LamaU Years 4 Caaac. 5 Gaaac. ]3 Gaaac. 1 Gauac. 9 Gaaac. Years.... 2 Kan. 10 Kau. 5 Kan. 6 Kan. IKan. Years 7 Muluc. 2 Muluc. 3 Muluc. 11 Mulac. 12 Muluc. Years.... 12 Ix. 13 Ix. 8Ix. 3Ix. 4Ix. These are also marked on the annexed table with a star, but the group is surrounded by a dotted line. In order to enable the reader to understand Digitized by Google 28 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROAKO. what I mean by "properly locating" these periods, I have extended the table so as to include one complete cycle, the close of another, and the com- mencement of another. I have also located this last period — as a matter of course according io the years obtained — ^in the only two possible positions in the table; surrounding each by a dotted line. If the table had been extended it could of coui-se have been located in other cycles. I call atten- tion to the fact that both these periods commence with a Muluc year, which would render it impossible for the commencement or ending of an Ahau, if these are Ahaues, to coincide with the commencement or ending of a cycle or grand cycle. If we suppose the Ahau to contain twenty-four years, and the periods marked on Table X to omit two years at the commencement and two at the close ; in other words, extend the upper and lower lines bounding the groups, across the table, we will then have no difficulty in making all the periods agree with each other and with the cycles. After all, we are not yet authorized to say positively that these periods are Ahaues, or that they are even embraced in or coincide with them; still, the oft- repeated five-character day columns, and the resulting groups of years, justify us in assuming that they do at least coincide with them. Before proceeding further in our discussion of the Manuscript it will be necessary for us to decide in referei)ce to the following points relating to the calendar upon which we have incidentally touched: First. The number of yestrs contained in an Ahau. Second. The position of these periods in the grand cycle or Ahau- Katun. Third. The respective numbers of these periods as thus fixed in the Ahau-Katun. Fourth. With which one of the four days (year bearers) the grand cycle begins. That the older authorities, so far as we are aware, without exception, give 20 years as the length of an Ahau, is admitted. Landa, for example, says (in § XLI), **The Indians had not only the computation of the year and the months, but they had also a certain manner of computing the times and events by ages. This they did by 20 and 20 years, computing 1 3 twenties with one of the twenty letters of their month called Ahau, but Digitized by Google TnoMA8i LENGTH OF THE AHAU OR KATUN. 29 without order, and alternate only as on the boundary of the wheel afore- said/' CogoUudo (Hist, de Yucathan, Lib. IV, Cap. 5) says: "They compute their eras and ages, which they write down in their books, by 20 and 20 years and by lustres of 4 and 4. They fix the first year at the east, to which they give the name Cuch-haab. The second, at the west, is called Hiix; the third, at the south, is named CaiuiCy and the fourth, MuluCj at the north. Five of these lustres being completed, make twenty years; this is what they call a Katun, They place a sculptured stone upon another stone, equally sculptured, fixed with lime and sand in the walls of the temples." The Perez manuscript,- as is well known, counts twenty years to an Ahau. Most of the recent writers have also decided in favor of the same number. Two or three of the most recent authorities, as Dr. Brinton, Charency, and Rosny, are disposed to follow the opinion of Perez, that it contained twenty-four years. I am satisfied that the opinion which holds twenty-four years to be the number is the correct one, and will now pro- ceed to give the proof I have been able to obtain bearing upon this point. First. If I am correct in my interpretation of the numerals, then the groups of years obtained by using these, as heretofore shown, will necessa- rily require twenty-four yeai-s to the Ahau, no matter with which of the four year-bearing days we begin the cycle; for, although these groups con- tain but twenty years there is an interval of four years between each two that is not counted. Second. The method of numbering these periods cannot, as I believe, be accounted for on any other supposition. According to all authorities who have mentioned the subject they were numbered, as I have already stated, thus: 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2, the number 13 being the first, 1 1 the next, and so on. It is not reasonable to suppose that this singular series was wholly an arbitrary selection; on the contrary, it is more than probable that it was obtained in some way through the use of the "13 series." If we examine the table of years. No. XVII, we will see that, commence where we may, and divide it into periods of twenty-four years by transverse lines, the first years of these periods taken in the order they come will accord exactly with this series. Take for example the Digitized by Google 30 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TBOANO. Ahaues as there given: the first commences with the year 1 Cauac, the second with 12 Cauac, the third with 10 Cauac, and so on. As the great C3''cle contains thirteen of these periods, it follows that we shall find all these numbers in it by thus dividing it. It is true this does not prove that the first period was numbered 13; moreover it is possible (though I do not think probable) that the number was not taken from that of the first day of the year, but from the second, as suggested by Perez. According to the theory advanced by this author these periods were numbered fi'om the sec- ond day of the Cauac years, which would necessarily be Ahau, because, as he supposes, some notable event in their history occurred on that day. Even on this supposition the series could not commence with the first period of the grand cycle, as this would be Ahau No. 2, but would begin with the second, which would be Ahau No. 13. It may not be improper to call attention at this point to a remark made by Dr. Valentini in his article on the Perez manuscript (Proc. Am. Ant Soc. No. 71): *'Nor do we understand the reason why, just here, the topic of the succession of the numbers 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, IJ, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2, was introduced. Could it have been with the intention of showing that this singular enumeration of alternating Ahaues, which we shall hereafter speak of, occurred only in cycles of twenty-four years, and that therefrom a proof might be derived for establishing the pretended cycle of twenty-four and three hundred and twelve years? Evidence of this should have been given by a table showing the series, and by still another table in which should be shown that such an alternating succession did not occur in cycles com- posed of twenty years. Not one single fact can be detected in Seiior Perez's text by which the long established assumption of a twenty years' cycle has been disproved." The object Seiior Perez had in view in introducing this series at this point was for the very purpose of showing that this "singular enumeration" could be obtained only by dividing the series into periods of twent3^-four years. As he was not fortunate enough to hit upon the plan of a table that would bring this clearly before the e3'e, I call attention to Table XVII, which meets precisely the requirements of Dr. Valentini. Dividing it into periods of twenty-four years will give this singular enumeration, while dividing it into periods of twenty years will not. Digitized by Google THOMAa.1 LENGTH OF THE AHUA OR KATUN. 31 Third. Additional proof to the same effect I think is also to be derived from a symbolical figure in the Manuscnpt itself The most notable figure in the upper compartment of Plate XXIII (our Plate IV) is the blue one in the upper left-hand corner on a black background surrounded by a white border, the latter crossed by dotted ra3'8, each ray terminating with a little ring; a dagger is piercing the eye of the blue sitting figure. If we count these clubbed rays we shall find there are twenty-three of them, but exactly where the dagger crosses the border there is room for one more According to my interpretation the whole of this figure taken together is a symbol of the Katun or Ahau, the inner blue figure probably denoting the year.^ If I am correct in this interpretation, then we have here positive evidence that Perez was right in holding that the Ahau consisted of twenty-four years. The whole figure is therefore intended to indicate the close of an Ahau; — when one more year has expired the light of another Ahau will be forever extinguished and the new one will begin its course. We find, as I think, something similar to this method of marking the missing year on Plates 7.0 and 76 of the Borgian Codex. These two plates, which are evidently parts of one picture, 76 being the upper and 75 the lower part, are symbolic representations of periods of time. The figures around the central circle of 76 are probably intended to represent the marching years. There are only twelve of them, but in the pathway at the bottom we see the footsteps of one that has passed on. At the four corners outside the circle we see the four "year-bearers.''^ On Plate 75 the chief figure is that of Kingsborough's supposed cruci- fied Quetzalcoatl; on the body is a large sun or circular disk with seven points, but in the lower margin, where there is the proper space for another, the circle is pierced by the obsidian knife of the priest who holds the with- drawn heart in his hand. Around the figure are similar but smaller disks; counting these we find there are eighty the exact number of pointsTequired to complete the central disk, and the number of periods (Indications) in an ^ age. Possibly other periods are intended, as I have not studied the Mexican Calendar with sufficient care to express any decided opinion on this point; ^FoituDately, the correctness of this suppositioo, which I mentioned in an article in the Ameri- can Naturalist for Angust, 1881, has since heen verified by Dr. D. G. Brinton— "The Books of Chilan Balam/' p. 15. ' Not those nsaally given, but those evidently used for this purpose in this and other codices. Digitized by Google 32 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. my only object in referring to these plates being to illustrate the idea ad- vanced in regard to the meaning of the dagger piercing the eye of the blue figure on Plate XXIII of the Manuscript Troano. The next point to be determined is the position of the several Ahaues in the grand cycle. This larger group, as admitted by all authorities, con- sisted of thirteen Ahaues; as 24 X 13 = 312, it follows that, assuming the Ahau to be a period of 24 years, this longer period would consist of 312 years. If the first year of the grand cycle coincided with the first year of an Ahau, the position of these latter groups would be determined by simply dividing the former into grougs of 24 yeare, as shown in Table No. XVI, where the dark transverse lines mark the divisions between the Ahaues as thus obtained. This conclusion is so natural that it would seem to follow as a matter of course from the numbers used, and from the fact that the number of years in a grand cycle is an exact multiple of the number of years in an Ahau. But as Selior Perez, who is our chief authority for what pertains to the Maya calendar, has advanced a different opinion, and as his suggestion affords a means of escape from a very serious difficulty, I will call attention to it before deciding as to which I believe to be the true method of locating these periods. But in order that his theory may be clearly understood it is necessary for us first to determine the dominical day with which the first years of the Ahaues commenced; for it is evident, whether we count twenty or twenty-four years to these periods — as each is a multiple of 4 — ^that if they followed each other in regular order the first year of each would begin with the same dominical day though not the same number. In other words, if one of the series began with a Kan year all the rest would begin with a Kan year. If the first year of a cycle were also the first year of an Ahau, as we would naturally presume, then determining the first year of any one will determine all the others. In the manuscript discovered by Perez and translated into English by Stephens (from the Spanish translation of the discoverer), we find the fol- lowing statement: '*In the 1 3th Ahau Chief Ajpula died. Six years were wanting to complete the Vdth Ahau. This year was counted toward the east of the wheel and began on the 4th Kan. Ajpula died on the 18th day of the month Zip on the 9th Ymix." Taking for granted that the day, the Digitized by Google TH01U8.1 FmST TEAB OP THE AHAU. 33 number of the day, and the month as given here are correct, it is easy to deteimine from our condensed calendar that the year must necessarily have been 4 Kan. As there were twenty -four years in an Ahau, and six were yet wanting to complete that referred to in the quotation, it follows of neces- sity this 4 Kan was the 18th and that this Ahau must have commenced with the year 13 Cauac and ended with 10 Ix. This will be seen by making a list of the years in regular succession, so that 4 Kan shall be the 18th. We give such a list here (Table No. XI), marking in italics the 4 Kan. Table XI. 1—13 Ganac. 2— IKan. 3— 2 Muluo. 4— 3Ix. 6 — 4Gaaac. 6 — SEad. 7— 6 Muluc. 8— 7Ix. 9— 8 Cauac. 10— 9EiUL 11—10 Muluc. 12— lllx. 13— 12 Cauac 14—13 Kan. 16 — 1 Muluc. 16— 2 Ix. 17— 3 Cauac. 18— 4 Kan. 19— 5 Muluc. 20— 6 Ix. 21— 7 Cauac. 22— 8 Ean. 23— 9 Muluc. 24—10 Ix. If we place these years in tabular form, as heretofore given, the Ahau will be in the form shown in the annexed table (XII). Here, then, we 3 M T Digitized by Google 34 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. © o CB 1 d 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4» 6 6 7 8 9 10 have positive evidence, if to be relied on, that this Ahau at least commenced with a Cauac year (whether the Ahau contained 24 or 20 yeara), and, if so, all the others of the series. A somewhat careful examination of Seflor Perez's Cronologia Antigua Table XTI satisfies me that his whole scheme was based upon what he believed to be two established facts: firsts that the Ahaues commenced with a Cauac year; and, second^ tha£ they were numbered from the second day of these years. • I am pretty well satisfied from some things observ- able in the Manuscript Troano that it recognizes Cauac as the dominical day of the fii^st year of the Ahaues. First The order of the four plates XX-XXIII, which refer exclusively to the four dominical days. That Bras- seur has paged these plates in exactly the reverse order to what they should be, I think is evident from the fol- lowing facts: As now paged they bring these days in the following order: Ix, Muluc, Kan, Cauac, exactly the reverse of that in which they come in the calendar. This alone is sufficient to cause us to suspect a reversal. But it is not the only reason for believing this. If we follow the order of the plates in marking the years, we obtain no continuous period, as is evi- dent from the annexed Table XIII. Second. The numeral (1), over the second Cauac character on Plate XXIII (our Plate IV) and also that over the fifth Muluc character on Plate XXI (our Plate II) is surrounded in each case with a circle of minute dots. Although there are other numeral characters on these four plates denoting one^ none except these two are thus distinguished. What is this intended to signify? My answer is, it signifies that those two years are the first of important periods that are included in, or at least begin in, the time embraced by these four plates. Now let us test this by giving two tables embracing the period covered by them, marking the Ahaues on one according to the plan I have given, and on the other according to Seiior Perez's method. Table XIV commences with a Cauac year, and is of the usual form, as heretofore given. Table XV begins with a Kan year, and is made in Digitized by Google TBOIUa.] FIRST YEAR OF THE AHATT. 35 accordance with the theory advanced by Perez, who holds that the cycle began with a Kan year, although contending that the Ahaues commenced Table XIII. Table XIV. Table XV. A c5 s i \4 § 4 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 in 12 P 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 W\ 11 P 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 1 7 8 9 10 1 11 12 13 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 9 13 10 1 11_ 2 12 . 3 4 5 6 • 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 7 11 4 __8 12 5 9. 13 el 10 1 2 3 4 5- 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google 36 A STUDY OP THE BIANUSCRIPT TROANO. with a Cauac year. On each, the divisions between the Ahaues are marked by solid, heavy, black lines; the usually counted twenty years of each are surrounded by a single dotted line, and the period covered by the four plates by a continuous waved line. The point at which tlie grand cycle begins is marked thus: :o: . If we examine Table XIV we see that 1 Cauac is the first year of a cycle, and 1 Muluc the first of the usually "counted years" of an Ahau, and that both are within the period covered by the four plates; each is surrounded by a ring in order to designate it. As a matter of course, each is the first year of an "Indication" or week of years; so are 1 Kan and 1 Ix in the same period, yet neither of these is thus distinguished. If we turn now to Table XV, in which the cycle begins with a Kan year, we cftn see no reason why either the 1 Cauac or the 1 Muluc in the period embraced by the waved Kne should have any special mar^ of dis- tinction. It is proper to state here that unit numerals surrounded in a similar manner by a circle of dots, are to be found on other plates where it is diffi- cult to apply the theory here advanced. Another difficulty which arises, if we adopt Perezes theory, is that the last Ahau of a grand cycle does not close with the end of that period, but includes one or more years of the following, according to the place the division begins. Taking all these facts into consideration, it appears that the calendar system followed by the author of the Troano Manuscript commenced the cycles and the Ahaues with a Cauac year. I think, therefore, the evidence that the Ahaues at least began with a Cauac year is too strong to leave any doubt on this point. As bearing upon, and, as I believe, tending strongly to confirm this conclusion, I will introduce here some examples from the Manuscript. In the second division of Plates XXX and XXXI, commencing on the left half of the former and continuing through the latter, we observe a series of figures all similar to each other, except the one to the right on Plate XXX, which is the long-nosed god. Over each figure, except one, there is a red numeral, but these diflfer Digitized by' Google THOMAS.] FmST YBAE OF THE AHAU. 37 from each other in the numbers indicated. In front of each face is the black numeral character for 11. The red numerals are (I), 9, 7, 5, 3. The first is obliterated, but if we judge by the space it would be 1, if by the order, 1 1 ; but since the result will be the same, except as to the position of the period obtained by this one in the table of years, it makes no par- ticular difference for the present purpose which we assume is correct. Assuming 11 to be the missing one, the numbers of the days will then be 11, 9, 7, 5, 3. The days in the column at the left of the compartment on Plate XXXI are Kan, Cib, Lamat, Ahau, and Eb. Hunting out the years in the manner heretofore described, we find them to be as follows: 11 Kan. 11 Cih. 11 Lamat. 11 Ahau, 11 Eb. "Years. ... 1 Cauac. 2 Cauac. 10 Cauac. 5 Cauac. 6 Cauac. 1 1 \ Years . ... 6 Kan. 7 Kan. 2 Kan. 3 Kan. 11 Kan. 11) ^ Years. ... 4 Moluc. 12 Muluc. 13 Muluc. 8 Muluc. 3 Muluc. Years. ... 9Ix. 4Tx. 5Ix. 13 Ix. llx. 9 Kan, 9 Cib. 9 Lamat. 9 Ahau. 9Eb. \ Years. Years . ... 12 Cauac. 13 Cauac. 8 Cauac. 3 Cauac. 4 Cauac. (9)i ... 4 Kan. 5 Kan. 13 Kan. IKan. 9 Kan. [Years. ^ Years. ... 2Muluc. 10 Muluc. 11 Muluc. 6 Muluc. 1 Muluc. ... 7Ix. 2Ix. 3Ix. lllx. 12 Ix. 7 Kan. 7Cib. 7 Lamat. 7 Ahau. 7 Kb. " 'Years. ...10 Cauac. 11 Cauac. G Cauac. 1 Cauac. 2 Cauac. (7)^ Years. ... 2 Kan. 3 Kan. 11 Kan. 12 Kan. 7 Kan. Years. ...13 Moluc. 8 Muluc. 9 Muluc. 4 Muluc. 12 Muluc. Years. , . . 5 Ix. 13 Ix. llx. 9Ix. 10 Ix. b,Kan. 5 0ift. 5 Lamat. 5 Ahau. &Eb. Years. ... 8 Cauac. 9 Cauac. 4 Cauac. 12 Cauac. 13 Cauac. (5)' Years. ...13 Kan. IKan. 9 Kan. 10 Kan. 5 Kan. Years. ... 11 Mulac. 6 Muluc. 7 Muluc. 2 Muluc. 10 Muluc. Years. ... 3Ix. lllx. 12 Ix. 7Ix. 8Ix. 3 Kan. 3 Cih. 3 Lamat. 3 Ahau. 3Eb. \ Years. ... 6 Cauac. 7 Cauac. 2 Cauac. 10 Cauac. 11 Cauac. (3)^ Years . ...11 Kan. 12 Kan. 7 Kan. 8 Kan. 3 Kan. Years. ... 9 Mulac. 4 Muluc. 5 Muluc. 13 Muluc. 8 Muluc. Years . ... llx. 9Ix. 10 Ix. 5Ix. 6Ix. In order to show the position of these groups in the series of years, and how they stand in reference to each other, I give here a table (XVI) covering one entire grand cycle, and including the last cycle of tlie pre- Digitized by Google 38 A STUDY OP THE MANUSOBIPT TEOANO. Table XVI. i § 1 4 1 2 3 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 6 1 2 1 ^' 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 \W "ill 2; |12 13 1 I 3 II 7 4 8 5 9 6 1; 10 i ill || 2 12 3 13 1^^ j^...^........ ....6j 7|r8^^ .■.■.■:::.::, |iio 11 12 13 II S I 1 2 3 4:^ 1 5 6 7 8| 11 9 10 11 12;: |13 1 |2| 3 4 5 ilfT 7il il 8 9 10 111 S |12 1 3 13 4 1 6 21; 6il II 7 8 9 10 1 |U_ 12 :il3| 1 2 3 TT ""6:1 9:1 ;i 6 7 8 5* illO 11 12 13 1: li 1 1 1 A 2 3 ^l II 5 6 10 7 8 iiii"ri2 ^^ 13 1 1 2 1 3; 7 IH i ^ 6 6 i 8 9 10 11: |12 13 1 2l :l 3 i| 7 4 8 6 el || 9 1 10 11 12 ll3 1 5 9 2 6 3 7 4 8 10 11 12 13 1 5 2 6 3 4 J 71 8 9 1 LIL P" 12 3 13 1 2 g 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 _3_ 13 4 1 2 J 5 6 71 8 PI 13 1 11 12 t^ 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 i 1 1 A 1 2 3 1 4 6 1 6 "7" 6 12 9 10 11 13 1 2 3 S 4 8 12_ 5 9 13 6 10 7 11 f JTl 2 3| 4 J^ -7 10 7 8 9 CO 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 10 7 11 8 9 jl2 1 13 :o: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google TuoMAB] FIRST YEAR OF THE AHAU. 39 ceding and the first cycle of the following grand cycles. As I have as- sumed that the cycle (and hence the great cycle) commenced with the year 1 Cauac, it follows that, in carrying out the above supposition, the first Ahau of the series must also begin with this year. The divisions be- tween the Ahaues are marked on the table by transverse solid black lines. The point at which the first great cycle ends and the next (which is given com'plete) begins is marked thus: :o: . I next locate the fore- going groups of years so as, if possible, not to clash with each other, and also in such a manner that the period represented by a group shall fall within one of the Ahaues marked off on the table. Each gi'oup is surrounded by a continuous dark line, so as to be easily distinguished from other periods marked on the same table; they are also numbered at the sides thus: (11), (9), (7), (5), (3), these numbers corre- sponding with the day numbers by which the different groups were obtained. These groups, each consisting of twenty years, not only fall within the lines marking the Katunes, but come in regular succession, leaving four uncounted years between each two periods — two belonging to one and two to that which follows. In other words, while the Katun or Ahau as a whole, according to the theory upon which I am now proceeding, always com- menced with a Cauac year, the twenty "counted years" in the present example begin with a Muluc year. But, as appears from what has already been shown, this is not always true in regard to these periods, yet it is gen- erally the case. If we observe carefully the five figures in the first or uppermost division of the plates under consideration, we see that they correspond in character to those in the second division to which we have just alluded, and that the black numeral is also the same, (11). The only red numerals recognizable are the 13 over the long-nosed god on Plate XXX, the 8 facing the left- hand figure on Plate XXXI, and the 2 over the left-hand figure on Plate XXX. According to the arrangement of the numbers in the second divis- ion, those in this division would be 8, 6, 4, 2, 13, reading from left to right. If we assume these numbers to be correct, and the days to be Eb, Kan, Digitized by Google 40 A STUDY OP THE MANU80EIPT TBOANO. Cib, Lamat, and Ahau, as shown by those not obliterated, the years would be as follows: 13^. 13 Kan. 13 ab. 13 Lamat. 13 Akau. f Years... . 8 Cauac. 3 Cauac. 4 Cauac. 12 Cauac. 7 Cauac ^i Years... .13 Kan. 8 Kan. 9 Kan. 4 Kan. 5 Kan. 1 Years... . 5 Muluc. 6 Muluc. 1 Muluc. 2 Muluc 10 Muluc. t Years... . 3Ix. 11 Ix. 6Ix. 7Ix. 2Ix. 8^6. SKan. sab. 6 Lamat 8AKau. Years... . 3 Ganac. 11 Cauac. 12 Cauac. 7 Cauac 2 Cauac Q Years... . 8 Kan. 3 Kan. 4 Kan. 12 Kan. 13 Kan. O- Years... .13 Muluc. 1 Muluc. 9 Muluc. 10 Muluc 5 Muluc. Years... .11 Ix. 6Ix. llx. 2Ix. 10 Ix. 6Eb. 6Ean. eCib. 6Lamai. 6AKav. { Years... . 1 Cauac. 9 Cauac. 10 Cauac 6 Cauac 13 Cauac 6. Years... . 6 Kan. IKan. 2 Kan. 10 Kan. 11 Kan. Years... .11 Muluc. 12 Muluc. 7 Muluc. 8 Muluc 3 Muluc Years .. . 9Ix. 4Ix. 12 Ix. 13 Ix. 8Ix. 4Eb, .4 Kan. ACib. A Lamat. A Ahau. CYears... . 12 Cauac. 7 Cauac. 8 Cauac 3 Cauac 11 Cauac . J Years... 1 Years... . 4 Kan. 12 Kan. 13 Kan. 8Kdn. 9 Kan. . 9 Muluc. 10 Muluc. 5 Muluc. 6 Muluc. 1 Muluc. Years. .• . 7Ix. 2Ix. 10 Ix. 11 Ix. 6Ix. 2 Eh. 2 Kan. 2Cib. 2 Lamat 2 Ahau. C Years... ] Years... ^1 Years... .10 Cauac. 5 Cauac. Cauac 1 Cauac 9 Cauac . 2 Kan. 10 Kan. 11 Kan. 6 Kan. 7 Kan. . 7 Muluc. 8 Muluc. 3 Muluc. 4 Muluc. 12 Muluc. Years... . 6Ix. 13 Tx. 8Ix. 9Ix. 4Ix. Locating these on the same table (XVI) as shown by the groups sur- rounded by dotted lines, we find that they follow each other in precisely the same order ais the other groups. As these groups all fit into the Ahaues as I have divided them oflf, we have in this fact a strong presumption that our division is correct; still, it is proper to state here, as will be shown here- after, that all these periods will also fit into the Ahaues if the grand cycle is divided according to the theory advanced by Selior Perez. Yet, even on this plan, these periods begin with Cauac years and have the same num- bers; the only difierence between the plans, so far as this matter is con- cerned, is that equivalents do not occupy precisely the same position in the grand cycle, but overlap each other three years. Digitized by Google TH0M1B.1 FIKST YBAE OF THE AHAU. 41 Whether the Dresden Codex commences the series with the same year as the Manuscript Troano is a point not yet decided; but from what is shown on Plates 25-28, Kan does not appear to be the first. I think there can be no doubt that these four plates represent the fetes and ceremonies of th|B supplementary days described by Landa (Relac. de las cosat, § § XXXV- XXXVIII). The reasons for this opinion will be given hereafter. It is evident from the day-characters in the left-hand column that the plates are numbered in the proper order. These days — of which there are but two on a plate, though each is repeated thirteen times— are probably the last two of the supplementary days of the year. As those on Plate 25 are Eb and Been the year denoted must be Muluc or Ix; that is, the closing Muluc year or commencing Ix year. It is quite plain that the year Kan is not the one denoted. As I will refer more at length to these plates hereafter I will not undertake to determine anything further concerning them here, my only object at present being to show that neither Codex appears to com- mence the series of years with Kan. Before closing the discussion in reference to the dominical day of the first year of the Ahau, it is proper to call attention to what Cogulludo says on this point. According to his statement in a quotation from his work, found elsewhere in this paper, the Indians fixed the first year of these periods to the east, to which tfiey gave the name Cuch-haah; the second, called Hiix^ they placed at the west; the third, named CattaCy at the south, and the fourth, MuIMj at the north. It is evident that Cuch-haab here is the equivalent of Kan, and if we take the numbers as this author gives them, Kan would be the first, but the order in which the other three follow each other would not agree with that found in the calendar. If we com- mence with Kan and follow the order of these years as given in the calen- dar, the order of the cardinal points would then be east, north, west, south. It is apparent therefore that this statement throws but little if any light on the subject. It is well known that the south, at which Cauac was placed, was, to some of the Maya nations at least, the point of departure or chief cardinal point. We have therefore as much authority for assuming it as the fii'st of these periods as the simple fact that Cogulludo gives Kan as the first, especially as the number he gives applied to the lusters. Digitized by Google 42 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROAKO. Our next step is to determine the respective numbers of the Ahaues as located in the grand cycle. We start as a matter of course with the understanding that the num- bers were as heretofore stated — 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2 — and that they al#ays followed each other in the order here given; that is to say, 1 always followed 3, 12 always followed 1, and so on. On folios 71, 72, and 73 of the Dresden Codex we find the following figures placed in one con- tinuous line (Fig. 7); (a suf- ficient number for illustra- FiG. 7. tion only are given) : Commencing with the left-hand figure and reading to the right, the numbers given in them are 11, 13, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 1, 3, 5, 7; in the lower right-hand corner of page 73 we find the missing 9. The fact that the order is here reversed, if read from left to right, is no evidence that this is the order in which the Ahaues (if these figures refer to these periods) followed each other, as it is possible they should be read from right to left. But the fact that we here find thirteen peculiar figures, with the knot de- noting the tying of years or period of years, with numbers following each other in the order, whether direct or reversed, of those used in numbering the Ahaues, is suflficient to justify us in believing that they refer to these periods. The only reason I see for any doubt as to the correctness of this conclusion is that on pages 62 and 63 we find similar figures containing numeral characters for 16, 15, 17, and 19, numbers that cannot refer to the Ahaues. Possibly they may be used to designate the years of the Ahaues, but be this as it may, a close inspection of the knots will show that they are different from those on pages 71, 72, and 73. Knowing the order in which they follow each other, it is evident that if we can determine the number of any one in the series it is a very simple matter to number all the rest. As the possibility of our being able to compare dates of the Maya system with those of the Christian era depends on the correct determination of this point, I will give not only my own conclusion, illustrating it by means of a table (XVII), but will also show the result of following out Digitized by Google iHOMAB.! METHOD OP NDMBEEING THE AHAUES. 43 Sefior Perez's theory, the only other possible one, so far as I«am able to see, illustrating it also by tables (XVIII and XIX). According to the statement in the Perez manuscript already quoted, Chief Ajpula died in the 13th Ahau in the year 4 Kan, and there were six years wanting to complete this Ahau. As it appears more than prob- able, judging by the contents of the. manuscript itself, that it was written soon after the Spaniards came into possession of the peninsula, we may, I think, rely upon this date as correctly given, although the manuscript is evidently confused and, in some respects, inaccurate and even contradictory. If the grand cycle was divided into Abaues of twenty-four years each, as heretofore suggested, and as shown in the annexed table (XVII), it follows that the one in which this event occurred must necessai-ily have been that which I have numbered XIII, as there is no other one in the entire grand cycle that has six years remaining after the year 4 Kan. Each of the tables (XVII, XVIII, XIX) includes one entire grand cycle, also one cycle of the preceding and one of the following grand cycles. The commencement and ending of the grand cycles are marked thus : :o: ; the divisions between the Ahaues are marked by solid black transverse lines, each group of the usually counted years is sur- rounded by a single dotted line; the period embraced by Plates XX-XXIII (our Plates I-IV) is surrounded by a single waved line; the Ahaues are numbered with Roman numerals. ' Table XVII begins with a Cauac year, and is made in accordance with the theory I have advanced. Tables XVIII and XIX commence with a Kan year, and are made in accordance with the theory advanced by Perez; XIX, upon the assumption that the first Ahau commenced with the fourth year of the grand cycle; XVIII, upon the theory that it began with the last year of the preceding grand cycle, as one of these two plans must be adopted to carry out his theory. Digitized by Google 44 A STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TBOANO. Table XVII. i a 1 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 wr 4 6i 7 8 .1 9 10 j 11 12 13 li i 3 4 51 • 6 7 8 9il iilO W 12 13 1 - :o: (1) 2 i 3 4; . 6' ' 7 8; : i 9 113 10 1 1 11 I 2 12 1 3\ 1 4 5 6 7! [.8. 9i 10|11 13 .......... ,„ 1 '12; i-3- 1© 6 2: 6: i 7 111 8 12 9 11 13 10; ll i 2 3 4 51 1 6 7i 8 9 «?_| I Wn/| I 12 1 e5 a 1 3 4; i 1 2 1 5 1 9 6 7 10*11 8l 12 1 113 : 4 1 51 2 3| 6 7 "^ 9 jlO 111 jiii" 13 1 2; \ 3 i*7 4 Tl 8 5 ru 9 6; 10; 111 12 13 1; i 2 3| 4 6 7 I 8' 9; 13 1 iio 11 12 1 TI 1 1 2 3 4| ! 6 6 7 8| 1 * 113 10 ll t 11 12 1 2 3 ■ror- 4 5 iV 7; f8" 9- 10 111 |12 1 3 13 ■ 4 1 r 5 2I 6\ i 7 8 9 10 i ill 12; 13 1 T 3 1 4 5| i 6 7 8 9I Uo 1 I 11 I 12 13 1 13 o I 2 . 3 II 6 I 7 10: 11 MiMUiiiiMta I ^ 1 12 i 3 i 7 2 6 10 XIII 13 t4 8i n ("2 \ 6 1 10 i 1 I 6 tiir _9 ii3 4 I 8 112 I 3 m 11 i 2 6 ;10 12 3 7 11 113 4 8 12 XI 10 "i' 5 9 13 4 ^ 12 3 7 11 2 6 10 1 5 9 13; 4I 8 ftffnfmmmm IX ill 2 6 10 1 6" 12 3 9 13 4 TII 7 11 8 12 12; 3; 71 111 21 6 10 13 s i 1 HSf 13 ! 4 8 12 10 1 6 9 13; tuff _3 ■■■■7 11 2 6 10 4 12 B I 7 11 2 6 10 ...... 13 3 7 111 III 4 8 12" 81 121 3! 7: 111 ■""2 6| 10 1 l| 5I 9! -:o:- 1 2 3 6 6 7 9 10 11 13 1 2 4 5 6 8 9 10 12 13 1 3 4 5 7 8 9 11 12 13 2 3 ■ 4 6 7 8 10 11 12 13 8 12 3 7 11 2 6 10 1 5 9 13 • Year 1436. 1 1536, year AJpnla died. Digitized by Google THOIUB.] METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUBS. Table No. XVIII. 45 s I 5 6 9 10 13 1 4 6 8 9 12 13 3 4 7 8 11. 2 6 10 9 11 12 13 a 12 3 7 11 6 2 6 10 3 7 11 4 8 12 1 5 9 13 lao' •:o:- 1 6 3 7 1 5 i 8 10 11 1 113 1 2 ! 4 6 6 1 sl 9 16 1 4 8 12 3 MM 11 i 1 »d i § 4: 1 1 2 3 \ 5 6 7 8: X i d 10 11 12 i 113 1 41 1 6 2 6 31 im 7 r fT "To 11 112 13 1 2 i 3 4 6 6 ▼HI 1 "^ 8 9 10 ' 111 12 13 1 Ul 3 4 HM 9'; [ 7' 8 iio 11 12 131 VI 1 1 2 3 4 J ; 5 6 7 8i 9 10 11 12: iisj 1 2 3 1440 4 ; 5 6 7l : 8 9 10 111 ;12 13 1 2i IT ! 3 4 5 6i ; 7 8 9 10; ill 12 13 uu 1 5 I 2 13 4 i 6 7 8 9! lio II 11 12 131 1 M M i o 4l \ 1 2 3 II i 6^ i 9i 6 |_7 _ 10 11 81 i4n 12 13 i 1 2 3] 1 4» 5 6 7; : 8 9 10 111 XIII ;12 13 1 2! 1 3 i : 1 7 4 6 «i 8 9 Mlt 10 "Tj 5! 11 3 4 2 6 7 8 9j 10 11 12 13 1 XI 1 2 1 3 4i ^ 6 7 9 ifio- 1 ir 2 •12] 3i |13t \ 4 5 6 7! IX i 8 9 10 11 :12 1 3i 13 1 2| 4 6 1500 6 _7 j 8" 9 10 1 111 12 13 li ! 2 3 4 6i TII i 6 7 8 dj iio U 12 13 1 9 13 4 8 I 10 1 6 9 12 113 3 ! 4 7 11 2 6 10 12 11 2 6 10 9 13 III 3 7 ii 4 8 12' 12 3 7 11 10 1 5 9 13 -:o:- 1 2 3 6 6 7 9 10 11 13 1 2 4 6 6 8 9 10 12 13 1 3 4 5 7 8 9 11 12 13 2 3 4 6 7 8 10 11 12 4 8 12 3 laM 11 6 10 1 6 9 13 1493. flMl. Digitized by Google 46 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. Table XIX. 1 i •a 1 6 2 6 3 7 4 8 12 9 10 11 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 11 12 13 1 . 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 zfT 13 • i i li" 1 A 1 2 3 4: i 5 6 7 81 ■ i 9 10 11 12i Il3 1 2 3i 1 81 5 6 7i 9 10 11 12; 13 i" 2| : 3 4 6 6 i 7 8 9 10 i XII ill 12 13 li 1 2.. 3 4 6i u. 7 8 9 101 li 12- 13] 1 2 3 4: 6 6 7 81 X 1 9 10 11 12: 1 13 1 *[ 1 2 3i 7» 6 6 8; 9" 10 ill 1 12 13 1 2| \ 3 4 TI 5 II e; ; 7 8 9 10; ill 12 13 1; i 21 3 4 5 : 7 1 8 TI 9; ilO 11 12 13; 1 ; 1 • 1 2 ^ i 1 3 4! ! 6 6 7 8| 1 * ;13; TI 10 1 11 121 1 2 A 6 8 9 10 11; 12 13 1 2; 3 IT 41 6 6; 7 11; B 9 10; TtttP 1 12 13 , 2i 3 4' 6; 1 6 7 8 9; |10 11 12 13; II I 1 2 3 4; i 5 6 7 8; mat 12 9; 10 11 13; 1 2 31 ; 4» 6 6 7i 1 8 9 10 Hi 112 XI 13 n 1 21 i 3 4 5 6; ; 7| '~8 9 10 Hi ■■12" 13 1; i- 2 3 4 5; 1 6 7 :i 8 9; IlO 11 12 13; : 1 i 1 • a es O ; 1 2 3 4i |8 1 6| 6 7 9i 10 ii 12 ;13 1 2 3 ; 4 1 8 6 6 IX 9 1 10 7 11 ii2 13 1 2 i_3| 4 6 6 -10 ....7i 8' " 9' ill 12 13 l; 2 6 3 4 TII 7 8 si 9i jio 11 12 13! 1 :o: - _JJ 3 i 8 6 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 12 9 13 10 1 11 2 6 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 10 7 11 8 12 9 fir 1 1 Digitized by Google THOMAS.] METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 47 If I am correct in the plan of the ta^ble given, and the division into Ahaues, it follows that the rest of these periods in the grand cycle would be numbered as shown by the Roman numerals on Table XVII. These numbers agree precisely with the numbers of the first years of the respect- ive Ahaues, and furnish, as heretofore suggested, an explanation of the singular method of enumerating these periods. If we now turn to Table XVI, showing the periods obtained from the dates on Plates XXX and XXXI of the Manuscript, we will see that their position and numbers agree exactly with those given in Table XVII. As tending to confirm this conclusion, it will be necessary for me to introduce here a comparison of Maya dates with those of the Christian era. As the designated 4 Kan corresponds, according to the manuscript quoted, with the year 1536, the last year of that Ahau (10 Ix) was 1542. Taking this as a stai-ting point, I have given on the table the year of our era corresponding with the first year of each Ahau. Now let us test this result by the two or three additional dates found on record, and which the authorities have failed to make agree with any explanation of the Maya calendar heretofore given. Bishop Landa (Relacion de Cosas, § 41) states that ^Hhe Indians say, for example, that the Spaniards aiiived in the ^ity of Merida in the year of the nativity of our Lord and Master, 1541, which was precisely the first year of the 11th Ahau." We may assume as certain that the Indians gave the bishop no such date as 1541, or any other year of the Christian era or Gregorian Calendar, as they were wholly unacquainted with that system; the year given must have been according to their method of designating dates, or by counting back the years. As he understood the twenty "counted years" to constitute an Ahau, and supposed one of these periods to follow another without any interven- ing years, he would probably take 9 Muluc of the 13th Ahau as the first of the 11th, which, as will be seen by reference to the table, is 1541, exactly the date required. It is evident that either he or the author of the Perez manuscript was mistaken, for according to the latter the 13th Ahau ended with the year Digitized by Google 48 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 1542 (whether we count 20 or 24 years to the Ahau), while according to Landa it closed with 1540. He asserts, while writing his work in Spain in 1566, that: '*It is now 120 years since Mayapan was destroyed." As this number could have been obtained only by counting Ahaues, it must have been understood by him as covering just six of these periods, and hence the correct number would be 144 years instead of 120. This number carries us back to the year 1422 or 1423, the last of the Xth or first of the Vlllth Ahau. Co- guUudo places the destruction of Mayapan about 1420 of the Christian era; the Perez manuscript places it in the 8th Ahau. As the above calculation places it in the last of the tenth or the first of the eighth, the discrepancy is but slight, and the agreement as close as could be expected in an attempt to reconcile such general statements. Sefior Perez seems to have taken as his chief authority, in comparing dates of the two systems, the statements of certain writers to the effect that the year 1392 of our era corresponded with the year 7 Cauac of the 8th Ahau of the Maya system.^ Unfortunately he mentions but one of these authorities — Don Cosme de Burgos — whose work he informs us "has been lost.^ 1 " Serie de los alios corridos en doe Ahaa Eaton, tomando su principio en 13d2 en que pasd segnn loe manuscritos el 8 Ahau en el a&o 7 Cauac: 8« Ahau Katun. 1392 7 Cauac. 1393 8 Kan. 1394 9Muluc. 1395 lOHix. 1396 11 Cauac. 1397 12 Kan. 1416 5 Cauac. 1417 6 Kan. 1418 7Muluc. 1419 8Hix. 1420 9 Cauac. 1421 10 Kan. 1398 13Muluc. 1399 IHix. 1400 2 Cauac. 1401 3 Kan. 1402 4Muluc. 1403 5Hix. 1404 6 Cauac. 1405 7 Kan. 1406 SMuluc. 1407 9Hix. 1408 10 Cauac. 1409 11 Kan. » Ahau Katun. 1422 llMuluc. 1423 12Hix. 1424 13 Cauac. 1425 IKan. 1426 2Muluc. 1427 3Hix. 1428' 4 Cauac. 1429 5 Kan, 1430 6Muluc. 1431 7Hix. 1432 8 Cauac. 1433 9 Kan. 1410 12Muluc. 1411 13Hix. 1412 1 Cauac. 1413 2 Kan. 1414 3Muluc. 1415 4Hix. 1434 lOMulnc. 1435 UHix. 1436 12 Cauac. 1437 13 Kan. 1438 IMuluc. 1439 2mx. " El punto de apoyo de que se valen para acomodarlos Ahau Katunes & los alios de la era Cristiana 7 contar los periodos y siglos que en ella ban pasade, y entender y saber concordar los afios que citan los indios en sus bistorias con los que oorresponden & los de dicba era, es el alio de 1392, el cual segun todos los manuscritos, y algunos de ellos ^poy^ndose en el testimonio de D. Coeme de Burgos escritor y conquistador de estai>enin8ula cuyos escritos se ban perdido, fu^S el referido afio, en el cual cayd 7 Cauac y di6 principio en se seguudu dia el 8 Abau; y de este como de un truuco se ordenan todoe los que anteccdieron y sucedieron segun el orden numerico que guardan y va espuesto : y como con este concuer- dan todas las series que se ballan en los manuscritos, es necesario creerlo como incontrovertible." Digitized by Google THOMAS.] METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 49 We are therefore left in doubt as to whether the calculation necessary in comparing the date in one system with the same date in the other was made by his authorities or was his own. It is evident that it must have been made by them or by him, as it could not have been given by the Indians. Be this as it may, it is based upon the theory that the 7 Cauac mentioned was the first year of thfe Ahau in which the event noted occurred, a supposition by no means necessary. Following out this supposition, he is compelled to place the death of Ajpula in the year 1493, thus antedating this event by 43 years. It also leads him into the absurdity of placing the first arrival of the Spaniards on the coast of Yucatan — which occurred in the 2d Ahau — between the yeai-s 1464 and 1488. In order to make this plain, I refer to the Tables XVIII and XIX constructed on his theory, and also to the continuous list of years covering the 8th, 6th, 4th, 2d, and 13th Ahaues (Table XX). The year 1392 and that in which he places the death of Ajpula (1493) are designated on the tables and on the list by a star. Table XX. VIIlTH Ahau. 7 Caaac 1392* 8 Kan 1393 OMuluc 1394 10 Ix 1395 11 Canac 1396 12 Kan 1397 13 Muluc 1398 1 Ix 1399 2 Canac 1400 3 Kan 1401 4 Muluc 1402 5Ix 1403 6 Cauac 1404 7 Kan 1405 8 Muluc 1406 9 Ix 1407 10 Cauac 1408 11 Kan 1409 12 Muluc 1410 13 Ix 1411 1 Cauac 1412 2 Kan 1413 3 Muluc 1414 4 Ix 1415 4 M T VlTH Ahau. 5 Cauac 1416 6 Kan 1417 7 Muluc 1418 8 Ix 1419 9 Cauac 1420 10 Kan 1421 11 Muluc 1422 12 Ix 1423 13 Cauac 1424 1 Kan 1425 2 Muluc 1426 3 Ix 1427 '4 Cauac 1428 6 Kan 1429 6 Muluc 1430 7 Ix 1431 8 Cauac 1432 9 Kan 1433 10 Maine 1434 11 Ix 1435 12 Cauac 1436 13 Kan 1437 1 Muluc 1438 2 Ix 1439 IVth Ahau. 3 Cauac 1440 4 Kan 1441 6 Muluc 1442 6 Ix 1443 7 Cauac 1444 8 Kan 1445 9 Muluc 1446 10 Ix 1447 11 Cauac 1448 12 Kan 1449 13 Muluc 1450 1 Ix 1451 2 Cauaci 1452 3 Kan....^ 1453 4 Muluc 1454 5 Ix 1455 6 Cauac 1456 7 Kan 1457 8 Muluc 1458 9 Ix 1559 10 Canac 1460 11 Kan 1461 12 Muluc 1462 13 Ix 1463 Digitized by Google 50 A STODY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. II D Ahav. 1 Cauao 1464 2 Kan 1465 3 Muluo 1466 4 Ix ...1467 5 Cauac 1468 6 Kan 1469 7 Muluc 1470 8 Ix 1471 9 Cauac 1472 10 Kan 1473 11 Muluc ; 1474 12 Ix 1475 13 Cauac 1476 1 Kan 1477 2 Muluc 1478 3 Ix 1479 4 Cauac 1480 5 Kan 1481 6 Muluc 1482 7 Ix 1483 8 Cauac..... 1484 9 Kan 1485 10 Muluc 1486 11 Ix 1487 XIth Ahau. 10 Cauac 1512 11 Kan 1513 12 Muluc 1514 13 Ix 1515 1 Cauac 1516 2 Kan 1517 3 Muluc 1518 4 Ix 1519 5 Cauac 1520 6 Kan 1521 7 Muluc 1522 8 Ix 1523 9 Cauac 1524 10 Kan 1525 11 Muluo 1526 12 Ix 1527 13 Cauac 1528 1 Kan.... 1529 2 Muluo 1530 3 Ix 1531 4 Cauac 1532 5 Kan 1533 6 Muluc 1534 7 Ix 1535 XIIIth Ahau. 12 Cauao 1488 13 Kan 1489 1 Muluo 1490 2 Ix 1491 3 Cauac 1492 4 Kan *1493 5 Muluc ^... .1494 6 Ix 1495 7 Cauac 1496 8 Kan 1497 9 Muluo 14961 10 Ix 1499 11 Cauac 1500 12 Kan 1501 13 Muluo 1502 1 Ix 1503 2 Cauac 1C04 3 Kan 1505 4 Muluc 1506 5 Ix 1507 6 Cauac 1508 7 Kan 1509 8 Muluc 1510 9 Ix 1511 IXth Ahau. I 8 Cauac 1536 I 9 Kan 1537 ' 10 Muluc 1538 I 11 Ix 1539 1 12 Cauac .' 1540 ! 13 Kan 1541 Following out this theory we will have to place the taking of Merida by the Spaniards (1541) in the sixth year of the IXth Ahau, instead of the first of the XIth. As Landa went to Yucatan about the year 1549, we are not waiTanted in supposing that he made an error of thirty years in refer- ence to an event that occurred but a few years before his arrival. It is apparent from these facts that, assuming, as Perez does, that the year 1392 was the year 7 Cauac, and the first of an Ahau, conflicts with . every other date left on record. I think we may therefore take for granted that there was some error in the calculation by which this author, or those from whom he quotes, obtained this date. As this calculation antedates the death of Ajpula just 43 years, let us add that number to 1392: This gives us 1435. If we turn now to Table XVII, made according to my theory, we find that 7 Cauac Digitized by Google TnoMAHj METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 51 of the 8th Ahau is the year 1435, and that by adding the 43 years— the number Perez has antedated the death of Ajpula — all the dates agree sub- stantially, and also drop into their proper places in the Maya Calendar. As the authorities to whom Perez refers obtained their information from the Indians, the date was as a matter of course given according to the Maya method of reckoning time; hence the "year 7 Cauac and 8th Ahau" are most likely to be correct. It is very probable this was the date of some notable event in the history of that people, and as it gives when corrected the year 1435, 1 am of the opinion it relates to the destruction of Mayapan, which, according to the manuscript translated by Stephens, occurred in the 8th Ahau. Another error arising from this mistake on the part of Perez was that he was forced to place the death of Ajpula in the 6th year of the 13th Ahau, instead of in the 1 8th as given by his manuscript, in order to get it in 4 Kan. An examination of Tables No. XVIII and XIX, which are constructed according to his theory, will show that there is no Ahau but number I, in which 4 Kan is the 18th year. This is true no matter where we com- mence dividing the grand cycle, according to his idea. As Table XVIII commences the division with the last year of a gi*and cycle, I have given at the same place another (XIX) on his plan, commenc- ing with the fourth year of this period, in order to illustrate the above statement Taking into consideration all the evidence I can obtain bearing upon the points now under consideration I am forced to the following conclusions: 1st. That the series of years began with Cauac. 2d. That the first year of a grand cycle was also the first year of an Ahau. 3d. That the thirteen Ahaues of a grand cycle were numbered as shown in Table XVII. 4th. That they were numbered according to the number of their first years respectively. But it is best perhaps for me to call attention here to the following facts in reference to the numbering of these periods. First. That the division of the grand cycle according to the plan I Digitized by Google 52 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. have adopted, which is repeated on the annexed Table XXI, does not preclude us from accepting Perez's theory that they were numbered from the second day of the first year, which, as the periods begin with Cauac, would be Ahau. This would change the position of tlie Ahaues so far as their numbers are concerned, and they would then stand as shown in this table; that is, the first one in the grand cycle would be No. II, the next XIII, and so on in the usual order. But one very serious objection to this plan of numbering is that 4 Kan of the Xlllth Ahau would be the sixth instead of the eighteenth year. I am of the opinion that the only foundation Perez had for thus num- bering these periods is the fact that the name "Ahau" was applied to them. It is probable that it was sometimes so applied on account of their impor- tance, but a careful study of the language of Landa and CoguUudo lead me to believe that Katun was the name by which they were usually desig- nated. The latter author gives this term only. Landa simply remarks that **they counted 13 twenties with one of the twenty letters of their month which is called Ahau, without order and alternate onlv as on the border of the wheel above; they called these, in their language, Katunes.^^^ The most serious objection which, so far as I see, can be urged against my theory is that the series of Almues does not begin with XIII, or, in other words, that the first of the grand cycle is not XIII. But this objec- tion applies with equal force to Perez's scheme. If we adopt the division shown in Table XVIII, and suppose the numbering to correspond with the first year (Cauac) of each period, we would then commence the grand cycle with the Xlllth Ahau. To illustrate this I give a table (XXII) sim- ilar to XVIII so far as the division of the grand cycle is concerned, but numbered as above suggested. ^ '*No solo tenian los indios cuenta en el afio y meses, como qiieda dicho, y seMlado atras pero tenian cierto modo de contar loe tiompos y bus cosas por edades, las qualcs hazian do yeynte en yeynte a&os, contando XIJI veyntes con una do las XX letras do loe meses qae llaman Ahau^ sin orden siuo retrnecanados como pareceran en la siguiento raya redouda; llaman les a estos en sn lengna Katv^ne^j y con ellos tenian a maravilla cuenta con bus edades, y la fue assi facil al viejo do quien en el priraero capitnlo dize avia trescientos afioe accordarso dellos.^ (Landa, Relacion de las Cosas, $ XLI.) Digitized by Google TBOIUS.I METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 53 Table XXI. i 1 a 1 A 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 'I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 ■ 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 - :o: - 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 I 10 I 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 III 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 1 1 1 o 4 2 3 6 6 7 8 9 10 .1 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 G 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 I. 4 X 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 TII 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 1 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 UI 11 12 13 i § o 1 1 2 1 1-1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 XII 11 1 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 TI 3 II 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 1 1 2 1 A 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 1 6 7 8 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 "T 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 I 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 1 ■ 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 XI 12 In 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google 54 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. This plan has this fact in its favor: it not only throws the Xlllth Ahau at the commencement of the grand cycle, but 4 Kan is also its 18th year. Table XXII. » 6 p a ^ a H l-H 1 2 3 4 8 5 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 12 9 13 10 1 11 2 1163 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 jio i ii^7 8 » RlO: 5Hii W 13 1 i 2 1 6l 3 4 5i 7 8 |9 13 i 10; 11 12 i 1 1 1 M ^ 1 2 3 4: I 5 6 7 S\ 1 9 ■ 10 11 12; !13 1 2 3; i 4i 5 epY 8i » 10 11; ii2 13 1 2; 1 3 4 6 61 1 7 8 II 9 : 10; 111 12 13 1 5 1 2i 3 4 g; 7 J 8 9; iio 11 12 13 T 1 1 2 3 4 \ 5 6 7 8 1 9 10 11 12 :13i 1 2 3 4;' '5"\ 6' • ■7. 1 8 9 10 11; U2 13 1 2' 1 3 11 4 II 5 6 1 7 8 9 10 11; 12 13 13^1 1 2i' 3 4" 6j : 6 7 8 9! |10 11 12 13; s3 "a HI ] Canac. 1 2 3 4 5 6* 7 8;' ■ 9: 10 11 Hi^' 13 r"i" 2' 3| 1 4 5 6 7i. ; 8 9 10 11! 12 13 u 1 2i i 3 ; 7; 4 5 6i 8 9 |10 11 : 12 13 Ij I 2 3 4 5i i 6 7 8 9i |10 3 11 12 • 13 1 1 1 1 i 5; 2 3 41 8 6 7 9 10 11 ■•12-: ;13 1 2 3 ; 4 5 6 7»; \ 8 9 ■■ 10 11 il2 Lii 13 1 2: 4 1 5 6 7 f J8 9 w 11 12 13 1 i 2 3 4 5; ^ 6 1 7 'I 8 9 10 11 12 13: Ij 1^ 1-1 1 2 3 4 5 U 7 8 9 10 11 12 i 13 1 2 3: 1 4 IT 5 6 7; 1 8 9 10 111 iii 13 1 1 ^ 3 8 S" 9 6i 101 : 7 in 12 13 l| 1 2 11 3 4 5\ ; 6 !io] 7_ 11 8 12 9| i4i» 13 1 :o: - i 2 - 3 il 1 5 6 7 8! 1 9 10 11 121 113 XIU 1 2 3! 1 8| 5 6 1 71 9 10 TSi.- 11 12 113 l" 2 ; 3 4 6 6 i 7 8 9 10 ;11 12 13 l| ; 2 3 4 : 51 ; 6! 7| 8| 9 10; IT ..„_... "13"] 1435. tl536. Digitized by Google THOMAd] METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 55 Be this as it may, there is nothing in Maya history or the calendar which makes it necessary that the gi'and cycle should commence with the Xlllth Ahau. As suggested by Perez and Dr. Valentini, this number of the series may have been selected as the one with which to begin their count because of some notable event in their history occurring in it. The serious objection to the plan of Table XXII is that it requires the Xlllth Ahau to begin with the last year of a grand cycle, which, I think, is suffi- cient to condemn it Perez's statement bearing on this subject is as follows : "As the Indians considered the number 13 as the initial number, it is probable that some remarkable event had happened in that year, because, when the Spaniards arrived in the Peninsula, the Indians then counted the 8th as the 1st, that being the date at which their ancestors came to settle there; and an Indian writer proposed that they should abandon that order also, and begin counting from the 1 1th, solely because the conquest had happened in that Ahau." (Cron. Antig., § IX, Valentini's Trans.) ^ I have already quoted from Perez, as pertaining to the calendar, the statement in reference to what he believes to be another kind of cycle or method of computation. I called attention to the fact that the numbers given might be found by running up the columns of our table of yeare. I will now explain what I believe to have been the object and use of these number. "They had another number which they called Ua Katutiy which served them as a key by which to adjust and find the Katunes, and following the order of their march, it falls on the two^ days of Uayeb haab and revolves to the end of certain years; Katunes 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4." Perez quotes this, as he states, in the exact words of his authority (unfortunately not given). As Bancroft's translation omits the *'two" be- fore ''days," I have given here a translation of the original as found in Perez's Cronohgie Antigiui.^' ^ As neither Volentini's nor Brasseurs' translation is literal, I will give the original : *' £s probable quo principio en el nunero 13 por haber acontecido en el algnn suceso notable pues dospues se contaban por el 8; y acabada la conquista de esta peninsula proptiso un escritor indio comen- zasen & eontar en lo sucesivo esta^ ^pocas por el 11 Ahau por que en el se verified aquella." 'Not the "aecoiid day of the Vayeb haab" as Perez seems, as appears from his comment, to have understood the expression. It is strange that he should have so jiervcrsely misinterpreted his own. manuscripts. Digitized by Google 56 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TKOANO. We see by reference to the annexed table of years (XXIII), which contains exactly one cycle, that by commencing at the bottom of the right- hand or Ix column and running up, we find the numbers given in the quo- tation and in precisely the same order. As these figures mark the terminal Table XXIII. years of the lustres it is evident that the authority quoted applied the name ** Katun" to these periods, and that this word is not used here as an equivalent of '^ Ahau." If the series began with Cauac, as shown by this table, these numbers would then denote Ix years; but if it commenced with Kan they would then be Cauac years. In either e^se it is evident that by remembering these numbers and their order it would be an easy matter to locate or give the number of any year in the cycle, and in the grand cycle also, if they had any method of numbering the cycles. But I am unable to see how this could be of much service in counting the Ahaues, and am therefore inclined to believe that this method of counting back was chiefly in vogue among the common people, they being unable to fully understand and use the complicated calendar of the priests. Although Landa, when speaking of the facility with which they counted back the years, evidently alludes to the Ahaues, yet it is quite probable the old Indian who traced back their history for three hundred years did so by the use of this key, unless he was a priest. It is difficult to understand what is meant by the expression "they fall on the two days of Uayeb haab^^ [intercalated days]. In thje four plates of the Dresden Codex heretofore mentioned (25-28), which certainly refer to the feasts of the intercalated days, we notice that the left-hand column of each contains the characters of but two days — the 25th the days Eb and Ben, the la«t two of the intercalated days of the Muluc years; the 26th, Caban and Ezanab, the last two of the Ixyeare, and so on. • Although these, as here noted, may not have any reference to this 1 f 6 a I • 4 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Digitized by Google THOMAS.] METHOD OF NUMBBEING THE AHAUES. 57 method of counting, their use in this manner shows that they were consid- ered important. If the lustres ended with an Ix year, as I have assumed, Ezanab would be the last of the intercalated days. Now as will be seen by carefully examining the calendar for one year as given in Table II, page 8, the num- ber of the last intercalated day will always be the same as the first day of the year. Having thus determined the name and number of the year, and remembering the series as given in the quotation, it was an easy yiatter to count back to any desired year. Let me illustrate this: Suppose that at the close of an annual feast of Uayeh haab which has ended on Ezanab, an Indian was desirous of determining what year of the cycle had just termi- nated. Knowing the day to be 1 Ezanab, he knows by this that the year was 1 Ix; remembering the numbers of the key, he commences his count with 1, and running back thus: 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, ascertains that the year is the 40th of the cycle (10x4). A little careful study of this subject will suffice to convince any one at all acquainted with this calendar that by simply knowing the number and itUma of the last intercalated day of any year will be sufficient to enable him to determine what year of the cycle it is If he forgets the key he can easily find it by the continued subtraction of 4, commencing with 1 3, adding ] 3 when the number to be subtracted from is 4 or less than 4. The only thing # necessary to be remembered is that the years Cauac, Kan, Muluc, Ix ter- minate, respectively, with the days Akbal, Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab. Suppose the last day of a certain year to be 9 Lamat, this gives 9 Kan as the year; the next year would be 10 Muluc, the next 11 Ix, the last of the lustre. If we remember the key, we count back the following num- bers or lustres: 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, showing that It Ix would be the 24th year of the cycle and 9 Kan the 22d. These calculations are based upon the supposition that Cauac was the first year of the cycle, but the same rule will apply with Kan or any other as the first of the series. I think it probable that this will furnish an explanation of the phrase "they fall in the two days of Uayeb haab and return to the end of certain years.'' The manuscript from which this statement was taken by Perez was evidently written by one not thoroughly familiar with the system. Digitized by Google 58 A STUDY OF THE MAXUSCBIPT TROANO. On the title-page and on Plates XX-XXIII (see Plates I-IV) are cer- tain red semicircular or crescent-sbapeS figures like this P^VIy which we have good reasons for believing served as characters to denote one of the Maya periods, either the Ahau, Cycle, Indication, or part of the grand cycle. This is the proper place to discuss their signification; but as this can be done more satisfactorily after we have learned what we can in reference to the figures given on these plates and the subjects to which they relate, I will now proceed to give such interpretations of the figures and characters on them as I believe are waranted by the discoveries I have made. Digitized by Google CHAPTER III. EXPLANATION OF FIGURES AND CHARACTERS ON PLATES XX-XXin OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO AND 25-28 OF THE DRESDEN CODEX. As heretofore stated, the figures that occupy the spaces on Plates XX- XXIII^ appear to relate, in part at least, to the close and commencement of the more important periods of time. I have already given my reasons for believing that the blue figure in the upper compartment of Plate XXIII represents an Ahau, and that the piercing of the eye with the dagger sig- nifies that the last year of the period has arrived and is about to close. Referring to Landa's Behcion de Cosas §§ XXXV-XXXVIII, I find the following account of the religious festivals which occurred during the inter- calated or closing days of the old and the commencement of the new year, each of the four years, Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac, having its own* peculiar ceremonies. As this is really the key to the explanation of the figures on the four plates mentioned^ I quote his statement in full, translated from Brasseur's French, giving the original Spanish in Appendix No. 1. *'JXXXV. — Fetes of s^upplemenial days — Sacrifices of the com^nencement of the new year of the sign Kan. "It was the custom in all the cities of Yucatan that there should be at each of the four entrances of the place — that is to say, the east, west, north, and south — two heaps of stone facing each other, intended for the celebra- tion of two feasts of unlucky days. These feasts took place in the following manner: ^ The reader is remiDded again that Plates XX-XXIII of the Manascript are the siune as oar Plates I-IV, a fact which will not be repeated hereafter in the text. 59 Digitized by Google 60 A STUDY OF THE MA]^USOBIPT TBOANO. ''The year of lyhich the dominical letter was Kan the omen was HcbnUj and, according to the belief of the Yucatecs, they both reigned in the region of the south. This year, therefore, they fabricated a hollow image or figure of baked earth, of the idol which they called Kan-thUayeydb^ and carried it to the heap of dry stones which was on the south side. They elected a chief from the citizens, at whose house they celebrated the feasts of these days. . At this ceremony they made also the statue of another god, named Bolon-Zacab, which they placed in the house of the chief elect, in a spot where every one could approach. ''This done, the nobles, the priest, and the citizens assembled together. They returned, by a road swept and ornamented with arches and foliage, to the two piles of stone, where they found the statue, around which they gathered with much devotion. The priest then perfumed it with forty- nine grains of bruised maize mixed with incense. The nobles placed their incense together in the censer of the idol and perfumed it in their turn. The maize mixed with the priest's incense is called mcah, and that which the nobles present is called chahalte. Having incensed the image, they cut off the head of a fowl and presented to it. "When this was finished they placed the statue on a litter called Kante, and on its shoulders an ' angel ' as an omen of water and the good year which they should have. As to these 'angels,' they were frightful in appearance. "Then they carried the statue, dancing with much gaiety, to the house of the chief, where he found the other statue of Bolon-Zacab. While they were on the way one of them carried to the nobles and the priest a drink composed of four hundred and twenty-five grains of burnt maize, which they called Picula-Kukla, and all partook of it at the same time. Arrived at the chiefs house, they placed the image which they carried, face to face with the statue which was already there, and made many offerings of drinks and viands, of meat and fish. These offerings were afterwards divided among the strangers who were present, and they gave the priest only a leg of venison. "Others drew blood from themselves by scarifying their ears, and anointed with it a stone which they had as an idol, called Kanal-Acanttm. Digitized by Google THOMAB-i FESTIVALS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE KAN YEARS. 61 They modeled a heart from the dough of their bread, and in the same way another loaf, of gourd seeds, which they presented to the idol KanrthUay- eyab. It was thus that they guarded this statue and the other during the unfavorable days, perfuming them with their incense and with incense mixed with grains of bruised maize. They believed that if they neglected these ceremonies they would be subject to the calamities which were the result of this year. The unlucky days having passed, they carried the statue of the god Bohn-Zacdb to the temple, and the image of the other to the eastern entrance of the city, ia order to have it for the next year. They left it there, and returning home each one occupied himself with preparations for the celebration of the new year. **As soon as the ceremonies were terminated and the evil spirit dis- pelled, according to their mistaken idea, they believed this year to be fortu- nate, because with the sign Kan reigns the Bacab-Hobnil^ who, as they say, has not sinned as his brothers, and for this reason no calamity befell them in that year. But as it frequently happened that this occurred notwithstand- ing, the demon was conciliated by establishing these ceremonies, so that in case of misfortune they attributed the fault to their ceremonies and to those who served in them, so that they remained always in error and blindness. "At his instigation, then, they fabricated an idol called Yzamna-Cauilj which they placed in his temple, and burnt before it in the court three pellets of milk,^ or resin, which they called kik; they sacrificed to it either a dog or a man, which was done with the ceremony spoken of in chapter one hundred on the subject of victims. There was, however, some difference in the manner of offering this sacrifice; they put in the court of the temple a large heap of stones, and the man or animal who was to be sacrificed was fastened to a sort of elevated scaffold, from whence they hurled him onto the heap of stones; the officers immediately seized him and tore out his heart, which they carried to the new idol, offering it to him between two plates. They made still other offerings of comestibles. At this feast the old women, selected for this occasion, danced, clothed in peculiar garments. They believed that an angel descended then and received the sacrifice. >By the term <'milk/' as here used, is meant the milky juice of some plant. Digitized by Google 62 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. " XXXVI. — Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Muluc — Dancing on the stilts — Dance of the old women with the dogs of baked earth. "The year of which the dominical letter was Multic had for the omen Canzienal. When the time arrived, the nobles and the priest elected the chief who should celebrate the feast. This done, they modeled, as in the pre- ceding year, the image of the idol called Chac-u-Uayeyab, and carried it to the heap of stones at the eastern side, where they had left it the year before. They made a statue of the god called Kinch-Ahau^ which they placed in a suitable spot in the house of the chief; then, from^ there, setting ©ut by a road neatly swept and ornamented, they returned together with their accus- tomed devotion to the statue of ChaC't4'Uayeyab. "Having arrived here, the priest perfumed it with his incense and forty- three grains of bruised com, which they called zacah; he gave to the nobles the incense called chaJmlte to put in the censer, after which they cut off the head of a. fowl, as formerly. They raised up the statue on a litter called Chacte and carried it with devotion, while the crowd executed around it cer- tain war dances called Holcan-Okotj Batel-Okot They carried at the same time, to the leaders and the principal citizens, their drink composed of three hundred and twenty-four grains of burnt corn, as before. "Arrived at the house of the chief they placed the statue facing that of Kinch'AhaUj and presented to it the customary offerings, which they divided afterwards as at the last time. They offered to him bread made in the form of the yolk of an egg, and others like the hearts of deer, and another composed with diluted spice. There were, as ordinarily, good men who drew blood from themselves by piercing their ears and anointing with it the stone of the idol named Chacan-Cantun} "Here they took small boys and forcibly pierced their ears, making incisions on them with knives. They guarded this statue until the end of the evil days; meanwhile they burned before it their incense. "When these days were passed they carried it to the north side, where they were to receive it the next year, and deposited the other in his temple, after which they returned home to prepare for the ceremonies of the new year They believed that if they neglected to celebrate the aforesaid cere- monies they would be exposed to great evils of the eyes. ^ Doubtless iDteuded for Chao^Acaniun, Digitized by Google THOMAS ] FESTIVALS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE IX YEARS. 63 "This year, of which the dominical letter was Muluc and in which reigned Bacdb-Canzimaly they regarded as fortunate; for they said that this was the greatest and best of the gods Bacab; also they made him the first in their prayers. With all this, however, the demon inspired them to fabri- cate an idol named Yax-Coc-Ahmut, which they placed in the temple, after having taken away the old statues; they set up in the court which is towards the temple a heap of stones, on which they burnt the incense with a pellet of resin or milk (kik), invoking the idol and asking of him deliverance from the misfortunes of the present year. These calamities were the scarcity of water, the abundance of shoots in the maize, and other things of the same kind. As a remedy for these evils the demon commanded them to ofier up squirrels and a cover of cloth without embroidery, woven by the old women, whose office it was to dance in the temple in order to praise the god Yax- Coc-Ahmut "They threatened them still more with a crowd of other misfortunes and evil signs relative to this year, although it was considered fortunate, if they did not accomplish the duties which the demon imposed on them ; one among others was a feast with a dance, which they executed mounted on very high stilts, and a sacrifice which they offered of the heads of turkeys, of bread, and of drinks of maize. It was also imposed on them to present images of dogs in baked earth, carry ing bread on the back. The old women were obliged to dance with these images in their hands, and to sacrifice to the god a small dog with black spots, and which was still virgin. Those who were the most devoted to this ceremony were to draw blood from the animal and to anoint with it the stone of the god Chac-Acantum. These rites and this sacrifice seemed to be very pleasing to the god Yax-Coc- AhnmC • "XXXVII. — Sacrifices of the new year at tlie sign of Yx— Sinister prognostics; how they prevented those results. "The year of which the dominical letter was Yx and the omen Zac- Ciuiy the election of the chief who celebrated the feast being finished, they formed the image of the god called Zac-u-Uayeyab and carried it to the piles of stone where they had left the other, the year before. They mod- Digitized by Google 64 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. eled a statue of the god Yzamna and placed it in the house of the chief, after which, by a road ornamented according to the custom, they returned devoutly to the image of Zac-UrUayeydb. On their anival, they perfumed it with incense as they had done before, and there cut off the head of a fowl. The image having been afterwards placed on a litter called Zachia^ they carried it devoutly, accompanying it with dances called Alcabtan-Kam- Ahau, They carried their usual drink on the way, and arriving at the house the image was placed in order before that of Yzamna and they made their offerings, to divide them afterwards; before the statue of Zac-u-Uayeyab they presented the head of a turkey, patties of quails, different drinks, etc. **A8 formerly, there were among the spectators some who drew blood from themselves, with which they rubbed the stone of the god Zac-Acantun. In this manner tliey guarded the idols during the days preceding the new year, and incensed them according to their custom until the last day; then they carried Yzamna to the temple and Zac-u- Uayeyah to the west of the city, leaving it there until the following year. **The misfortunes to which they were exposed this year, if they hap- pened to neglect these different ceremonies, were fainting fits, swoons, and diseases of the eye. They considered it as a year unfortunate as to bread, but abundant in cotton. It was this which they signalized with the char- acter rir, and in which the Bacah Zac-Ciui reigned, who foretold nothing very good; according to their belief, the year must bring calamities of all sorts, a great want of water, days when the sun would shine with excessive heat which would dry up the fields of maize; the consequence would be famine; from famine arose robberies and from robberies slavery for those who rendered themselves guilty. All this would naturally be the source of discord and internal wars among the citizens and among the towns. They believed that in the year marked by this sign there also generally happened changes among the princes or the priests, in consequence of the wars and dissensions. ^'Another omen which they also held, was that some of those who sought to gain authority would not an-ive at their end. This year was also sometimes signalized by an irruption of locusts, the consequence of which would be famine and the depopulation of a large number of locali- Digitized by Google THOMAB ] FESTIVALS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OP THE CAUAC YEARS. 65 ties. In order to remedy these calamities, which they feared entirely or in part, they made, at the instigation of the demon, the statue of an idol named Kinch'Ahau-Yzamna; they placed it in the temple, where they offered to it all kinds of incense and oblations, drawing their blood and sprinkling with it the stone of the god Zac-Acantun, They executed different dances, the old women dancing as usual; at this feast they formed anew a small oratory to the demon ; they assembled there to offer sacrifice to him and to give him presents, and finished with a solemn orgie, where every one became intoxicated, for this feast was general and obligatory. There were also some fanatics who, of their own accord, and through devotion, made another idol, like that which is mentioned above, which they carried into other temples, making it offerings and intoxicating themselves in its honor. They regarded these orgies and sacrifices as very agreeable to their idols and as preserva- tives capable of preventing the misfortunes with which they believed them- selves threatened." "XXXVIII. — Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Caiuzc — Uvil prognos- tics prevented by the fire dance. "This year, of which the dominical letter was Cauac and the omen Hozanekj after they had elected a chief of the ceremonies, they formed, in order to celebrate it, the image of the god Ek-u-Uayeyah ; they carried it to the piles of stone at the west entrance, where they had left the image of the year before. They made at the same time the statue of the god called UaC'Mitun-AhaUj which they placed, as usual, in the most convenient spot in the chiefs house. From there they went together to the place where they found the image oi Ek-u-Uayeydb, having taken care previously to orna- ment the road; arriving there, the nobles and priests incensed this image, after their custom, and cut off the head of a fowl. When this was finished, they took the statue on a litter called Yaxek and placed on its shoulders a gourd with a dead man and, besides, the ashes of a bird which they called K^Lch, as a sign of gi'eat mortality ; for this year was considered very unfor- tunate. "They afterwards carried it about in this manner, with devotion min- gled with sadness, executing several dances, among which there was one 5 M T Digitized by Google 66 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. like the crotteeSy which they called Xibalba-Okoty which signified dance of the demons. In this interval the cup-bearer arrived with the drink for the nobles, which they drank in the place where the statue of Uac-Mitun-Ahau stood viS'd'Vis with the image of which they had the care. Immediately they commenced the oblations, the perfuming, and their prayers; a great number drew blood from diflferent parts of their bodies and anointed with it the stone idol called EkelrAcantun. Thus passed the unfortunate days, after which they carried Uac-Mitun Ahau to the temple and Ek-u-Uayeyah to the south entrance, where they left it until the following year. ''This year, signalized by the character Cauac, and in which the Bacah- Hozanek rules, besides the plague with which it was threatened, was par- ticularly regarded as fatal; they said that the extieme heat of the sun destroyed the fields of maize, without considering the multiplication of ants and birds that devoured the remainder of the seed; however, they added, these calamities need not be entirely general, there were some places where subsistence could be obtained, although with great difiiculty. To prevent these calamities they made, at the instigation of the demon, four idols, named Chichac-Chob, Ekhalam-ChaCj Ahcan-Uolcdby and*^*&wZwc- Bdlam ; after having placed these together in the temple, where they per- fumed them as usual, they presented to them two pellets of resin named kiky to be burned, also iguanas, bread, and a miter, with a bouquet of flowers and a stone which they considered of great value. Besides, they raised, for the celebration of this feast, a large arch of wood in the court, filling it with wood above and on the sides in order to bum, leaving in it, however, gateways for entering in and going out Then, the greater part of the men took each one a bundle of long dry sticks and, while a musician mounted on the top of the funeral pile sang and beat the tambour, all danced with much order and devotion, entering in and going out, one after the other, under the arch. They continued to dance in this manner until evening, when, leaving their bundles of sticks, they went home to rest and refresh themselves. ''When night fell they returned, accompanied by a gi*eat crowd; for this ceremony was regarded with great respect among them. Each one taking then his bundle, lighted it and put the fire on the funeral pile, which Digitized by Google Digitized by Google us. 6. AND G. SURVEY MANUSCPIPT TROANO PI .1. ^^-^•-^fgitr^d by Google FAC -SIMILE OF PLATE XX OF THE CODEX TROANO. i:\i I »\ !'L\]" 07 •aj't i]ii.> tJi-' ; r. \ , .♦. «M.!K ili ;ii .'^ \i i\'. '•• :' . It.'- .... i \i\ ., ' ( t- ,.!- J ;< .iM'! M. • :•'• .■ T'l * f» '^t .• .1 P • !'**: t * f til- ill '/■ >.U'1\' 1:0'!i ^ i .ii '1.1*1 ■"■ "! , .ii' rt- t"*\\ •»- r:'ur I'^ iu M. N ' ■ r \i .i:iU- -'OiTN. n'i i^J;)^» LK; ' ri 'i . ^ '4 L .,.■:,, 1 I'/iJ.i' t'.t' 1 i>t lv\ t .ri* til*-! .. I lutt' JT jn. \ :i :i 1 1 ^\t- iK i\- i;.-: :• <. . t t^- * yt'ins ill ,1 <'\ « 1 \ III t'.» /'ill J I'.i)' fS U»' sa** ir liit^ l'.»\V^ -t \ «•:;']<• T'^' J o! ♦ tli(3 piic^t ] 'Miii;:' iTi it's liMvl a Icc. li* -s i*'vv^ •..■•'' i?' 'X- 'V -J.;:i:Ja'^ \v< r;'.;, 'S/ / /A/ j/' f')( t fjar-p^t f/ •->' Ic y/' ' '''■'(-//. - 'y'<:cirf(^ ; *"'• Ih tlu; Mpixn' a'\:-ii)U of onrh we JSCf tll'.i cIj )^i n a^^^t '.t v^^'l !:< a.l r-ial tali of uv ( ! ac, la'arh'^r on L's ')r::i' '1 *■ v Ki*- laaiv'li t»» '1 (^ I'ltip i^'stoT.i-s at tli** l»* i Irr of tl'C vii; v -. o- • i - of tl>*^ St. l( N,.l clii'jf Li the iratMU d'vi^ion we b( ^- ,f ^^^'*., c-^^ . r^ I ^^t-y- t\ LL' .' * t^:./>"t. > ^ 'J^ '■"»r Digitized by VnOOQ IC THOMAB] EXPLANATION OF FIGURES IN THE PLATES. 67 immediately cauglit fire and burned rapidly. As soon as there was only one brand left burning they announced it to the throng, and those who had danced before assembled together and attempted to cross it, some passing over without injury and some being slightly or seriously burned, imagining that thus they prevented the plague and the anger of the gods, and to avert the evil omens of the year, in the belief that nothing could be more conciliating to their gods than this kind of sacrifice. "This finished, they returned home to drink and intoxicate themselves; for this was required by the custom of the feast and the heat of the fire.'' If we turn now to Plates 25, 26, 27, and 28 of the Dresden Codex and study them carefully, I think we shall find enough there to warrant us in deciding that they are intended to represent these four festivals. In the first place, it is apparent that these four plates, which are copied on our Plates V, VI, VII, VIII, all relate to the same subject, and that they are quite different from those which precede or follow them. In the second place, the left-hand day-column of each plate contains but two days, and in each case these are the last two of the intercalated days; those on Plate 25 (PI. V) being Eb and Ben, the last two days of the Muluc years; on Plate 26 (PI. VI), Caban and Ezanab, the last two of the Ix years; on Plate 27 (PL VII), Ik and Akbal, the last two of the Cauac years; and those on Plate 28 (PI. VIII), Manik and Lamat, the last two of the Kan years. A fact worthy of note in this connection is that each of these days is repeated thirteen times, the exact number of each of these years in a cycle. In the third place, we see in the lowest compartment of each plate the priest holding in his hand a headless fowl; agreeing exactly with Landa's words, ^^degollavan una gallina y se la presentavan o offrecian^^ ; *Hhey beheaded a fowl and presented it as an offering." In the upper division of each we see the chosen assistant with the head and tail of the Chac, bearing on his back the newly-formed image on his march to the heap of stones at the border of the village, or to the house of the selected chief. In the middle division we see the priest burning incense, in order, as was their custom, to drive away the evil spirit; the sign or glyph ''Ik" in Digitized by Google 68 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TBOANO. the midst of the flame renders almost certain the correctness of this inter- pretation. This agreement in so many particulars between these plates and Landa's statements is certainly sufficient to warrant us in assuming that the two refer to the same things; that is, to the festivals held during the Umjeyah haab or closing days of the diflterent years. Before attempting to show the relation these plates of the Dresden Codex bear to those of the Manuscript Troano, it will be necessary for me to ask the reader to examine them carefully as I enter into more particular details. It is apparent from Landa's language that the festival of the last days of one year was intended as a celebration of the new or incoming year; that is to say, the festival of the last days of the Kan year was intended as a celebration of the incoming Muluc year, and, in fact, did not close until the first or second day of the latter. This being the case, we presume that the plate containing the last two days of the Kan year, for example, repre- sents the commencement of the Muluc .year, and that some, at least, of the figures and characters shown on it refer to that year. Following up this idea, I conclude that Plate 25, on which the days are Eb and Ben, the la^t days of the Muluc year, refers to the commencement of, and may properly be called the plate of the Ix years; that Plate 26 refers to the beginning of the Cauac years, Plate 27 to the Kan years, and Plate 28 to the Muluc years. Taking for granted that this conclusion is correct — which I think few if any will doubt — ^let us see what further can be deduced from it. Landa, CoguUudo, and Perez tell us that each of the four dominical days was referred by the Indians to one of the four cardinal points. As the statements of these three authorities appear at first sight to conflict with each other, let us see if we can bring them into harmony without resorting to a violent construction of the language used. Perez's statement is clear and distinct, and as it was made by one thoroughly conversant with the manners and customs of the natives, and also with all the older authorities, it is doubtless correct. He says, ** the Indians made a little wheel in which they placed the initial Digitized by Google THOMAB.] ASSIGNMENT OF YEARS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 69 days of the year. Kan at the east, Muluc at the north, Gix or Hix at the west, and Gauac at the south, to be counted in the same order."^ The statement of CoguUudo, which agrees substantially with this, is as follows: " They fixed the first year at the east, to which they gave the name Cuch'haab; the second at the west, and called it Hiix; the third at ihe south, named Cauac, and the fourth, Muluc, at the norths Turning now to Landa's work (Relac. des Cosas, §§ XXXIV), we are somewhat surprised to find the following language: "The first of these dominical letters is Kan. The year having this character was the first, and had for its sign the Bacab, the other names of which were Hobnil, Kanal- Bacdb, Kan-pauah'tun, Kan-xib-chac. They placed this on the south side. The second letter is Muluc, which is placed on the eastern side, and this year has for its sign the Bacab, which is called Canzienal, Chacal-Bacab, Choc- pauah'tun, Chac-xib-chac. The third of these letters is Yx. The sign during this year was the Baccib named Zac-zini, Zacal-Bacab, Zac-pau^h-tun, Zac-xib- choc, and it signified the northern side. The fourth letter is Cauac; the sign of this year is the Bacab called Hozan-ek, Ekel-Bacab, Ek-paiuiJi-tun, Ek- xib'Chac, which is assigned to the western side."^ This, as we see, places Kan at the south, Muluc at the east, Ix at the north, and Cauac at the west, conflicting directly with the statements made by Cogulludo and Perez. If we turn now to the descriptions of the four feasts as given by Landa, and heretofore quoted, I think we shall find an explanation of this difference. From his account of the feast at the com- mencement of the Kan year (the intercalated days of the Cauac year), we learn that first they made an idol called Kan-u-uayeyab, which they bore to the heap of stones on the south side of the village; next they made a statue of the god Bohn-Zacab, which they placed in the house of the elected chief, * '^Estos indios pintavan nna nieda peqnefia, eu la coal ponian los cuatro geroglificos de los dias con que principiava el afio, Kan al oriente, Muluc al norte, Hix al ponieutc, y Cauac al sor, para que se contasen en el mismo orden." (Cronologia Antigna, J VII.) ^ '^La primera pnes de las letras doniinicales es Kan, El afio que esta letra servia era el aguero del Bacdb que por otros nombres Uaman HobnU^ Kanal Bacahj Kan-pauah-tunj Kan-xih-chao. A este sefia- lavan a la parte de medio dia. La segunda letra es Muluc sefialavanle al oriente, su afio era aguero el Bacab que Uaman Canzienal^ Chacal Bacabj Chac-pauah-iun^ Chac-xib-chac. La fercera letra es Yx. Su afio era aguero el Bacab que Uaman Zaczini-zacaU Bacdb, Zac-pauahtuny Zac-xibchac^ sefialavanle a la parte del norte. La quatra letra esCktuw; su afio era aguero el Bacab que Uaman Eozanek, Ekel-Bacab, Ek-pauah- tun, Ek-xib-chac; a este sefialavan a la parte del poniente." Digitized by Google 70 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. or chief chosen for the occasion. This done, they returned to the idol on the southern stone heap, where certain religious ceremonies were performed, after which they returned with the idol to the house, where they placed it viS'drvis with the other — just as we see in the lower division of Plates XX- XXIII of the Manuscript Troano. Here they kept constant vigil until the unlucky days (Uayeb-Jiaab) had expired and the new Kan year appeared ; then they took the statue of Bolon-Zacab to the temple and the other idol to the heap of stones at the east side of the village, where it was to remain during the year, doubtless intended as a constant reminder to the common people of what year was passing. Similar transfers were made at the commencement of the other years; at that of Muluc, first to the east, then to the house, and then to its final resting place on the north side; of Ix, first to the north, then to the west;^ of Cauac, first to the west, then to the south. This movement agrees precisely with the order given by Perez; and the final resting places of the idols for the year being the cardinal points of the dominical days where he fixes them; that is, Kafi at the east; Muluc at the north ; Ix at the west, and Cauac at the south. There is therefore no real disagreement between the authorities on this point. If we turn now to Plate VI of the Manuscript Troano we find these four characters in the spaces of the upper and middle divisions. No. 3 No.L No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. Fig. 8. is in the upper left-hand corner; No. 2 in the lower left-hand corner; No. 1 in the lower right-hand corner, and No. 4 in the upper right-hand cor- ner. We find the same characters placed in the same order in the upper and middle divisions of Plate VII and the upper division of Plate VII*. They are also found in the comers of the spaces of Plates XVIII*, XXVI, XXIX*, XXX*, XXXI*, and XXXII*, but not always in the same order. ^ BniBscur makes a mistake iu his truDslatiuD, giviug cast instead of west. Digitized by Google Digitized by Google U S G AND G SURVEY MANUSCRIPT TROANO PL II •^^ Dipitized by Google FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXI OF THE CODEX TROANO ■•t 1 Iii t^o r \ . • '. .1 ^ Hi . « Digitized by Google •m>- «( 1^ ' ■V- i \, * ■V */*' ftc •v r' ... ,' '■ t . V t ^* Digitized by VjOOQIC TU0MA8.J CHAEA0TER8 FOR THE CARDINAL POINTS. 71 Turning to the **title page" of the same manuscript, we find that these are the first four characters in the second transverse line. The position of the characters on the plates mentioned led me, at an early stage of my investigations, to believe they were intended to denote the four cardinal points; but the fact that the order was not always the same, and the apparent impossibility of finding words in the Maya lexicon agree- ing with Landa's letter characters and at the same time denoting the cardi- nal points, induced me for a time to doubt the correctness of this theory ; but the discovery of th§ signification of these four plates of the Dresden Codex induces me now to believe that this first impression was correct It is possible these characters have also some other signification, but that they are intended to designate the cardinal points I can no longer doubt. In the last or lowest transverse line of characters on Plate 27 of the Dresden Codex (our Plate VII) — the one relating to the close of the Cauac and commencement of the Kan years — we find the character No. 1 (Fig. 8) in close proximity with another character, which I will presently show signi- fies "stone" or a "heap of stones." If this indicates a cardinal point it must be south or east; if it refers to the place to which the idol was fii'st taken it would then signify south, if to its last resting place it would then signify east. In the corresponding line of Plate 28 (our Plate VIII) we find char- acter No. 2; in that of 25 (our Plate V), character No. 3; in that of 26 (our Plate VI), character No. 4. If we suppose these characters to indicate the final resting places of the idols then character No. 1 would signify east, 2 north, 3 west, and 4 south; but if the first resting place, then character No. 1 would signify south, No. 2 east. No. 3 north, and No. 4 west. That Nos. 1 and 3 relate to the places of the rising and setting of the sun, I think is evident from the following facts: First. That these are the only two out of the four characters which have anything similar in them. Second. The lower half of each is precisely like the lower half of Landa's symbol for the month Yaxkin, from which we may infer that it signifies kin, **sun." This also agrees with the fact that the Maya words for east and west (likin, chikin) both end with **kin," which signifies sun or day. Although Landa gives this figure without the wing as the character Digitized by Google 72 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. for the letter "T," I think there can be no doubt that when combined with the side wing it signifies '^sun" or *'day," both words being the same in the Maya language. I find that Brasseur and Dr. Valentini' reached the same conclusion respecting this character, which bears some resemblance to the Mexican symbol for dayf ^^ V and a still closer resemblance to that for year. | '* | I am satisfied, therefore, that these two characters refer to the east and the west, and hence that the only point left for us to decide is, which appertains to the east and which to the west This I think may be determined from the plates of the Dresden Codex. If No. 1 on Plate 27 must there be either south or east, and our reasoning showing that it could not be either south or north be correct, it follows that it must signify east, the direction assigned to the Kan year, and that here it refers to the final resting place of the idol Kan-'Ur Uayeyab. If I am so far correct then character No. 1 (Fig. 8) signifies east. No. 2 north, No. 3 west, and No. 4 south. If we turn now to Plates 46, 47, 48, 49, and 50 of this Codex we find on each, two square groups or masses of character consisting of either five or six transverse lines and four columns. One transverse line of each group is composed of these four characters, which, as I believe, are here used to indicate the cardinal points. Assuming my interpretation of them to be correct, it will be necessary to read these lines from right to left to obtain the order given by Perez; for example the lines on these plates read, as the characters stand, thus: First group, Plate 46. — North, east, south, west. Second group, Plate 46. — West, north, east, south. First group, Plate 47. — North, east, south, west. Second group, Plate 47. — West, north, east, south. First group, Plate 48. — North, east, south, west Second group, Plate 48. — West, north, east, south. And the same on Plates 49 and 50. Reading these from the right to the left we have the order given by Perez, but the initial days will be as * Albo Rosny. Digitized by Google THOMAB] ASSIGNMENT OF DAYS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 73 follows: for the groups marked "first," Ix, and for those marked "second," Gauac, and the order in which they succeed each other, as follows: 1st Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc. 2d. Cauac, Kan, Muluc, Ix. The first agrees exactly with the order of the days referred to by Plates 25-28 of this Codex, and the second precisely with Plates XX- XXIII of the Manuscript taken in reverse order to the paging. The first also agi'ees exactly with the order in which the first four chai'acters in the second line of the title page of the Manuscript come, if read from left to right as the numbers above them indicate. If we turn to Plate XXXII* of the last-mentioned Manuscript^ we will see that the left-hand column of the upper division consists of the four dominical days placed in the following order, reading from the top downward: Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc, precisely in the order of the four plates of the Dresden Codex; we also find in the space of this division the characters which I have supposed mark the cardinal points, but placed as shown here. Landa, speaking of the ceremonies connected with the making of idols of wood, remarks (p. 308) that "they offered incense to the four gods called Acantunes, which they had placed at the four parts of the world" (the four cardinal points). But these were of stone, as we have already learned from the extracts referring to the festivals of the supplemental days. In the lowest division of Plate XXV* there are four idols over which are these four characters; the first, or left-hand one, is the headless figure seen on Plate XXIII, the character over it that which denotes the west; the second the spotted dog seen on Plates XX and XXI, the character over it signifies the north; the third a monkey, possibly the same as seen in the lower division of Plate XXI, the character over it the east; the fourth a bird, the character over it the south. 1 Roman numerals refer to the plates of the Manoscript ; Arabics to those of the Codex. Digitized by Google 74 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. There are other plates on which these characters appear to indicate the cardinal points, but what has been given is suflScient to show the evi- dence upon which I base my opinion as to the meaning of the characters. The presence of these on Plates 25-28 of the Oodex, in the manner there given, is perhaps the surest guide as to the quarters to which they respect- ively belong; the fact they are so often found occupying the four corners of the spaces of the plates of the Manuscript is what leads us to suspect that they indicate the cardinal points. The chief, and, so far as I can see, the only objection to this interpretation is the occasional change of order in the spaces; but, as we have seen, this seldom, if ever, occurs where they are in a line. The chief doubt is as to the points assigned them. If my explanation is correct, then it is possible that the Maya words which they represent are as follows : No. 1 (Fig. 8), Likin, ^^east" No. 2, Xaman, "north." No. 3, Chikiriy "west." No. 4, Ma-yam^ "the middle of the earth" (south), or Nohol, "south." The inverted character for Ahau in No. 3, and that for Manik in No. 1, may raise an objection in the minds of some to this interpretation, but the reader must bear in mind that I do not yet insist that these characters are the symbols for the words above given. They may refer to priests, uten- sils, or other things connected with or used during religious ceremonies; for example. No. 3 may be the symbol for Ahkin, "priest," No. 4, for Mayac, "table"; No. 2 for Anij the sacred stone used in casting the horoscope, &c., but at the same time these, by the relative positions they occupy during ceremonies, may serve to indicate the cardinal points, and hence the days. This being the case, the characters, by long usage for this purpose, would ultimately become the symbols of this secondary signification. RefeiTing again to Landa's account of the festivals, here- tofore quoted, we observe that one of the idols was finally placed on the heap of stones at the margin of the village In the lowest division of each of the plates — 25-28 of the Co- ^^* ^' dex — we see an idol resting on a character like this (Fig. 9); the idol on Plate 25, with a head somewhat similar to that of the Tlaloc Digitized by Google •'-^-.^ r,. i #». \ . ■,"■■ -t' ■" '' ■ ' ' 1 .'. '^'*"' .^•' ■ ■C. -:"•; . Jf. i ' . • •*^- ».. , -■* ■ * 'j^ A- ■ > .' ■ V ' .i ' \ ■*■ .i"v« . ■ • f 'i • % -J y r- ■; ■? •- • .'>,.., • ' ' -i> . '- - -f.J !•- r • ^^. f . . t ' •«*.* •r* ' •'- i. , ■• • w.. ^V^v^s :"'■■,• ^i r^' J-*.--^* «,' '^ -^V j^ ^' . . i* •■. " ■*".-'>'• * , * "^*: / i * «. ■ ' ■/ » - .'.•■ *.. .- .< >. t'^ ...'♦.(. ■♦■ * < *>*••*. ^V.-,. .. , . ^ -r •;■ f* •'"" ; ~j ' f ' ^:"<:> ■ \ *-^-- , ' : < ^••Wi', i ^ V.V'^ r< ' . . . . ... *r>'i ^ - ..■••■ r/>. '"?"" 1 ' . -.' : ' .' i ■,■ "'..if ' .■> ■**.',*■■•<-." •■ . Tf ^i-'' .,y"w*C» IJ: : \ Digitized by f \L : n f ' -' p../ ' \ A Google :■* ' \ \ ; . 1 r- i; 1' . (^ . . / ;! .. K I' .\ 't • I '» ' ( • 1. . I .1 W »1 -.; .M ■ 'I ■ ' • 1 * . t A ■s ))'-.' \» 1- : ■ , ' ' jt ;Mi'> , li Tin- 1 ' . I ,> . I, .' ^ ■ t:-', "I I *!•; -'v .;..'.•( < jp ■>. ^ -^ \rti. ^ivr-.* • lir ^ ■ ' . f i'' .' .\'t - .»i tti-' tv t- ^\ ;".l ., '1 . .- 1'- 'ii ^,'" .«* rowl.t ] '. J "T'l : * ^- ;.l ]"'! 1 . f ' - . t f'u \\'h X "w u hi '• : ^ ''.b'U'.i! cMjr^u't ,'1 s <'>n ti ' t -rr Digitized by Google U S.G. AND. G. SURVEY MANUSCRIPT TROANO PL. IV. T. Smdair k So&Xidk. Digitized by FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXIII OF THE CODEX TROANO. Google .OF ^_ Digitized by Google THOMAS. 1 EXPLANATION OF FIGUEBS ON THE FOUE PLATES. 79 plates of the Manuscript and give the signification of them so far as I have been able to make this out. I will start with the assumption that the con- clusion drawn from the comparison just made — that they relate in part at least to the festivals of the supplemental days — is connect; and as affording additional evidence, I first call attention to the following facts: Landa, in his account of the ceremonies relating to the Muluc year, remarks that ^Hhe devil commanded them to offer squirrels and a cloth cover (or cloth orna- ment), without embroidery, woven by the old women whose office it was to dance in the temple for the purpose of appeasing the god Yax-coc-AhmuV^ In the upper division of Plate XXI (that relating to the Muluc year) we see this cloth, which we judge from the figure was to be worn by the priests. It is plain and without ornamentation, save what is on the strips at the side. The same account, as will be seen by reference to the quotation in full heretofore made, mentions that "among other things performed at this festi- val was a ballet or dance executed on very high stilts" (en muy altos zancos). In the upper division of the same plate (XXI) we see one of the dancers on stilts. It also states that "they were required to present dogs of burnt clay bearing bread on the back"; that "the old women were obliged to dance with these dogs in their hands, and to sacrifice to the god a little dog with black shoulders." In the lower division of the same plate we observe three figures of small unspotted dogs, two of which are seated on human feet, which is doubtless intended to denote that they are carried during the dance. To the right is another figure of a dog marked with large black spots, and bearing on its back the symbol of Ymix or Imix mounted on that of Kan. It is true these figures do not agree exactly with Landa's description, as he does not appear to refer to the two classes of dog images — the plain and the spotted — but to the latter only. But we may expect this writer, who mentions these things more incidentally than otherwise, to be more or less confused where so many particulars are to be remembered, especially if his work was written in Spain, where he had necessarily to rely to a great extent upon his memory. But the fact that these figures are found on Digitized by Google 80 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. the plate that relates to the Muluc years; the peculiarly marked dog, bearing these symbols on its back; the little dog images on the feet, together with the agreement in other particulars, are sufficient to warrant us in concluding that these figures relate to the ceremonies he describes. Taking the figures and statement together I conclude that the little plain dog-images, three of which are represented, were those canded during the dance, while the spotted one bearing the characters on its back — of which there is but a single figure — represents that which was to be sacrificed. In the collection of pottery made by Colonel Stevenson in 1880 among the Pueblos of New Mexico, are quite a number of plain little animal images, chiefly those of birds, which he informs me were used in Hke manner by the Indians of these pueblos. If I am correct in this interpretation, we will then be warranted in con- cluding that the double character (Fig. 10) signifies **bread," doubtless * * bread of maize." Taken separately we know that the upper is used as the symbol of the day Ymix or Imix, and the lower of Kan; but the primary significations of these words, or rather the words Fig. 10. that these symbols stand for, is somewhat doubtful. Perez gives no definition of the former, neither in his lexicon nor Cronologia. Brasseur gives the following signification in his Vocabulary — ''Deep pit; issue from a focus or of the breast"; but in a note to the Cronologia (§ II) he makes this remark: ''YmiXj written Imox in the Quiche Calendar, in that of Chiapas is represented under the image of a marine monster of a peculiar form; it is the Cvpactli of the Mexican Calendar, given by Nufiez de la Vega, as the first father of the race of these countries." The latter {Kan) has several significations, such as **a cord or string of henequin," "yellow," "a certain measure," '* red earth," **clay," &c. He also gives as other meanings, "in- creased," "elevated," "manifest," "consolidated," &c. But I judge from Perez's language that the ancient signification was somewhat uncertain. The Maya word for "maize" is Ixim^ and I am strongly inclined to believe that Imix is but a synonym, also that the symbol was originally used to signify this great food plant. I think it also probable that the sym- bol for Kan was used originally to represent the "grain" of corn, hence the gathered and stored com or ears, and that the name was derived from the Digitized by ^ ...... -.^ Google THOMABj CHABACTERS YMIX AND KAN. 81 yellow or golden color. On Plates XIX* and XX* of the second part of the Manuscript — ^lowest division — we observe women bearing burdens on their backs in baskets; the substance carried by three out of six is represented by Kan symbols, and is probably gathered maize. It is worthy of notice that one of the names of tlieir chief deity Zamna or Itzamna, is Itzen-caan, signifying the *'dew of heaven," or '^substance from heaven." Jfeen and Itzam are given by the lexicons as equivalents, and tzeny and its derivatives, contains throughout the idea of food or that which sustains life. Ixkan-Leox was the name of a female divinity supposed to be the spouse of Zamna; the signification of the name, according to Brasseur, is " CeUe de la fronde jaune atix grains de mais^^\ in other words, the " silk." In the upper division of Plate 19 (Codex) is the figure of a woman bearing the same characters on her back,* one above another, as on the Manu- script plate. Just behind her is the figure of a man or male deity, which I judge from the long beard to be Kukulcan, or Zamna, bearing on his back the same two characters. From these facts and others which might be mentioned I am satisfied there was an intimate connection in the minds of this people between maize and this deity. The two symbols in this form (Fig. 11), and also in reverse order, some- times with and sometimes without the accompanying char- acters over them, are of very frequent occurrence in the Manuscript and Codex. That characters similar to the ac- companying ones here shown are used in the Mexican Codi- ^^* ^^' ces to represent cakes of bread or tortillas is well known; whether they have the same signification in this connection is a point that will be discussed hereafter. Our next step will be to determine, if possible, which of the figures shown on these plates represent the Uayeyab idols. As we have already shown, there were, according to Landa, four of these, as follows: Kan-u-Uayeyab^ for the Kan years; Chac-u-TJayeyab, for the Muluc years; Zac-u-Uayeyaby for the Ix years, and Ek-u- Uayeyab, for the Cauac years. We may assume, I think, without any fear of being in error, that the left-hand figures in the lowest division of the four plates of the Codex are intended as representa- tives of these images. They are the only ones placed on the stone-heap 6 M T Digitized by Google 82 A STUDY OF THE MAIfUSCBIPT TEOANO. symbol ; three of them are exactly alike, and to them the priests are offering the decapitated fowls. Turning to the plates of the Manuscript we find the question more diffi- cult to solve; first, because there are on each plate (except one) two figures seated on stone symbols; and second, because these figures are wholly dif- ferent from those in the Codex. I think there can be no doubt that one of each of these pairs represents one of these idols. But which one? The one not seated on the symbol is that at the left of the lower division of Plate XXII. We may therefore assume that the white figure at the right with a sinuous line down the face, and seated on the stone symbol is the idol Kan- UrUayeydb or Chac-VrUayeyab ; the former, if the ceremonies here shown refer to the commencement of the Kan year, the latter if they refer to the close. As the corresponding figure on Plate XXIII (Cauac year) bears on its head the Kan symbol it most likely represents the former, and that on Plate XXII the latter. The corresponding figure on Plate XXI varies con- siderably from the other two noticed; still there is sufficient resemblance to induce me to decide that it (the one at the right in the lower division) is the Uayeyab idol — Chac-u-Uayeyab or Zac-u-Uayeyab. The figures on Plate XX present still greater difficulty, if possible, that on the right being wholly different from the others. As this plate refers to the Ix years we should expect this variation, having found such to be the case on the Codex plates, and would decide at once, notwithstanding this difference, that it represented the Uayeyab idol, were it not for certain facts to be noticed. During the festival of the Ix years one of the images made represented the god Yzamna or Itzamna. Whether this deity was identical with Kukulcan or not is a question in reference to which the authorities are undecided. If we assume they are identical, the beard on the figure at the right would lead us to conclude that it was intended to represent this deity. But, on the other hand, the bird with the protruded tongue seated on the head-dress of the figure at the left is one of the symbols of Quetzalcoatl, the equivalent of Kukulcan. We also observe that the Ara, the sun emblem, is immediately opposite the latter, toward which he is pointing his fingers, which is a well-known symbol of Itzamna. Taking all these facts into consideration, I conclude that the figure to the right is the Uayeyab idol, Digitized by Google U, S. G, AND G. SURVEY. MANUSCRIP7 TROANOPl. V, Fac Sjmilb op Plate 25 op the Dresden Codex. Digitized by Google Digitized by Google TH0MA8.I EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON PLATE XXIII. 83 and that the one at the left represents Itzamna, whom I believe to be a dis- tinct personage from Kukulcan. I have been unable to arrive at a satis- factory conclusion in regard to the opposite or left-hand figures on the other plates, except that on Plate XXIII, which I think represents the god of death. We will now turn to the upper division of Plate XXIII and examine some of the figures contained in it. Near the left margin is the figure of a headless trunk marked with dotted lines and little circles; on it is the sym- bol of Caban and the figure of a machete. It is probable that this repre- sents the body of the *'dead man" which Landa says was carried during the festival of the Cauac years, as the dotted lines and circlets thereon cor- respond with that borne by the Chac in the upper division of Plate 28 of the Codex. As the festival of the Cauac years was observed during the closing days of the Ix yeai's — those with which, according to the theory I have advanced, the lustres, ahaues, and cycles closed — I think it probable this figure is intended to signify the close of one of these periods, possibly the first, as this appears to be the idea signified in the Codex. I am fully aware of the difficulty of reconciling this explanation with the fact tliat this figure appears on the plate in the Codex which apparently refers to the Muluc years and is* marked by the terminal days of the Kan years. But this fact will not warrant the rejection of my interpretation, as the error, if there is one, relates to the order in which I have arranged the years. I would also suggest that it is possible the calendars of the two works are not precisely alike — one may commence the series with a different year from that with which the other begins; in fact, the order of the plates in the two works seems to indicate this. It can scarcely be doubted that 25 of the Codex corresponds with XX of the Manuscript, yet that in the Codex is first while that of the Manuscript is the last of the four (the order here being, as I have shown, the reverse of the paging). The year in which the figure appears, according to the Manuscript, corresponds with Landa's statement, while that of the Codex does not. If we decide that the series of years commenced with Kan and ended with Cauac, the interpretation would still agree with the Manuscript and Landa, as then we would have to suppose that Plate XXIII refers chiefly to the close of the Cauac and commence- ment of the Kan years. Digitized by Google 84 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. In the lower left-hand comer of the same division we observe the figure of a deity, with a fiery red face, marked as the symbol for Ahau, bearing in his hand a torch and on his head what appears to be two Mttle wings This I presume represents Kinch-Ahau-Itzamna (Kinch-Ahau, the lord of the mouth or eye of the sun or day), one of the idols made during the festival of the Ix years. Here it appears to be sinking out of sight below the western horizon, casting back its fiery rays as indicated by the torch. As it belongs to the Ix year, which is here brought to a close, it would of course be retired. The headless figure immediately above it, and the Caban or Cab which signifies "to descend" or "sink below," and the signification of the blue figure, as heretofore explained, all agree exactly with this in- terpretation. The wings [if such they be] on the head probably refer to the Ara, the sun token. The bird in the center, seated on the head-dress, may possibly represent or symbolize the "burnt bird," or "bird reduced to ashes" (the meaning of the original is very obscure), of which Landa speaks; the bill in the figure, it is true, is scarcely appropriate for a rapacious bird, which the Ktich appears to have been, but exact representations ai-e not to be expected in this work. The color appropriate to the Cauac year (the one assigned to the south), as indicated by the Maya word Ek, was black; according, with this, the large figure at the right of the upper space, and the bird in the lower space, are of this color. The serpent, we know, was a symbol used in the Mexican Calend^u* to denote a long period of time, especially the cycle of 52 years. It is also a prominent figure on these plates of the Manuscript, being found, in three of them, coiled under the clay vessels. (See both divisions of XXI, XXII, and XXIII.) Under each of the vessels in XXIII, and that of the upper division of XXII, it is in two coils; in the lower division of the latter the head is thrust out, apparently in compliance with the solicitation of the white personage to the right ; on Plate XXI (both divisions) but one coil remains; and on Plate XX we see nothing more of it. What is it designed to represent on these plates ? That it is a symbol of some period of time will scarcely be doubted ; but what period ? Digitized by Google ™oMA«.) THE SEBPENT SYMBOL. 85 Turning to the plates of the Codex, we find that it appears there also on but three out of the four, being absent in both cases on the page refer- ring to the Ix years. We also observe that on each plate of the Manuscript where the serpent appears the vessels bear Kan symbols. It is evident, from what has already been shown, that the four plates in each work are intended to cover exactly one cycle. This is proven by the fact that on each the day symbols are repeated thirteen times. It is true that the period embraced by the plates of the Manuscript does not coin- cide with any one cycle, but it covers the thirteen different years of each of the four dominical days, giving them in regular order, thus making one complete cycle. The design in the Codex appears to be to indicate in a general manner the character of the feasts of the supplemental days only, and to show by the thirteen day-sjrmbols that this is to be applied to all the years of the cycle ; while the plates of the Manuscript are apparently designed to give the same general idea, but at the same time to refer to a specific period, and also that this period shall include the close and commencement of the two great periods; hence the years are specified in the latter, while they are not in the former; the latter also includes allusions to other festivals than those of the Uayeyab. Taking for granted, then, that these plates are intended to cover one cycle, and that the serpent denotes a period of time, the natural presump-^ tion would be that it here represents a cycle, for, although we find evident allusion to the Ahau in these plates of the Manuscript, we see nothing of the kind in those of the Codex.^ We might very reasonably suppose those on the plates of the Codex indicated the year, but a close inspection of that on Plate 26 will show that it differs considerably from the other two, is evidently in a dying condition, and is marked with the fatal dotted line. I can see no reason for this dif- ference if they were used, to denote the year, and, aside from this, the fact that each one of the idols around which they are coiled is crowned with four leaves, indicating the four dominical days, would seem to forbid this inter- pretation, which certainly cannot be applied to those in the Manuscript. 1 The reader will understand that the word '< plates" in this connection is to be understood as meaning only the foar of which I have been treating. Digitized by Google 86 • A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TBOANO. If they refer to the cycle, then each coil will denote two Indications, a supposition with which the pyramid of four steps on Plate XXII (to which I will presently allude) agrees very well. A fact worthy of notice in this connection is that, proceeding with the pages in the order I have adopted, we find on XXIII, where Cauac is the ruling day, the two coils are com- plete; on the lower or closing division of XXII, where Kan is the ruling day, one coil is partially withdrawn; on XXI, where Muluc is the day, there is but one coil; and on XX, where Ix — the year with which the cycle closes — ^is referred to, there is none. The most serious objection to this theory is that if any allusion to the Indications were intended there should be four coils instead of two, as there are four of these periods in a cycle. But the serpent may be used here only as the symbol of the cycle and the coils may have no particular significa- tion; still I think they do have, as there are two to each on the Codex plates, and that they denote the two halves of the cycle. Landa mentions the fact that the two halves of the Ahau were specially noted by the Indians. It is possible that on the Codex each serpent represents the series of years of one dominical day included in one cycle; that is to say, one column of a cycle as given in the previous tables. I have been led to make this suggestion from what I find on Plate 43 of the Borgian Codex. Here we see four serpents,^ coiled so as to form the sides of a square, and the four squares brought together so as to bring the heads to the center. On the body of each is a series of circles representing as I believe years; counting the small subcaudal one, there are exactly thirteen on each ser- pent Each of these serpent figures may represent an Indication, but the figure and the day signs in the spaces and the order in which they stand incline me to believe that they relate to the series under the respective dominical days. The five day signs in the spaces are doubtless the five added days — this can, I presume, easily be determined ; but as I have not entered upon the study of the Mexican Calendar, and have not the proper works at hand for this purpose, I leave this for others to decide. In the upper right-hand square the inclosed figure is black, reminding us of the ^ These are really monsters, as they are represented with anterior limbs. Digitized by Google U, S, G. AND G. SURVEY. MANUSCRIPT TROANOPL VI. ^ > J f^HorK)li¥cCixN.Y Fac Simile of Plate 26 of the Dresden Codex. Digitized by Google Digitized by Google THOMABi EXPLANATION OF FIGUEES ON PLATES XX-XXIIL 87 black figure in Plate XXIII of the Manuscript. In front of each inclosed figure, and immediately over the head of the serpent, is an urn. The snout of each serpent is crowned with a plume-tipped process. These resem- blances, notwithstanding the otherwise great dissimilarity of the figures of this plate of the Borgian Codex to those of the other two works, render it quite probable that they relate to the same general subject.^ I think it very probable that the serpent was sometimes used to symbolize the Ahau, as for example on Plates 33, 34, 35, and 69 of the Dresden Codex; that on Plate 33 to denote the 6th Ahau, that on 34 the 3d; that on 35 the 8th, and that on 69 the 10th. The lustres are evidently indicated on the last by the colors. Turning again to the plates of the Manuscript, we notice the figure of an animal of some kind mounted on the right-hand personage in the upper division of XXI, XXII, and XXIII. The peculiar form of the eye shows these to be quadrupeds. They are doubtless mounted on these individuals to show that they are Chacs, corresponding with those in the upper division o/ the Codex plates. We may as well call attention here to the fact that several of these things which appear on the other plates and seem to be equally applicable to all the years alike, are wanting on Plate XX, which relates to the Ix years. For example, the serpent is wholly wanting here; there is no animal denoting the Chac, and one at least of the clay vessels is missing. What does this signify ? I confess that I am somewhat at a loss how to account for it, but, from my examinations and what has been ascertained, am dis- posed to explain it by the fact that Ix is the closing year of the lusters and cycles, and that the things mentioned, being symbols of one or the other of these periods or depending upon them, properly disappear with this year. If this view be correct, it will probably enable us to assign a signification to the large (supposed) red-clay vessels placed on the serpent coils in Plates XXI-XXIII. Uayeb'haab or Uayeyah (the latter is but a contraction of the 'In a pamphlet by Sr. J. M. Melgar, of Vera Crnz, entitled ''A comparative view of the sym- bolical signs of the Ancient Systems of Theogony and Cosmogony, and those existing in the Mexican MSS., as published by Eingsborough, and the alto-relievos on a wall in Chichen-Itza/' 1872, which Dr. Foreman, of the Smithsonian, has very kindly t^janslated for me, I find a somewhat different interpreta- tion of this plate of the Borgian Codex. This will bo found in my Appendix No. 2. Digitized by Google 88 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. former) signifies the "bed of the year." As the vessels are placed on the serpent, and hence cannot represent incense-burners, it is not impossible that they are symbols of the idea expressed in these Maya words. The character C q LLUJ^ «> which, according to Landa is the hieroglyph for the letters, which in Maya signifies "vase" (also "moon"), is common on the vase-figures throughout the work; but on these vessels we notice parts of other characters which together with the one given may be the symbols for Uayeyab. This I admit is a mere supposition, but it does not appear to be a forced one; moreover, the following explanation by Perez may serve to strengthen it: "They called them [the added days] also uayab or uayeb- haaby which may be interpreted in two different ways. The word uayab may be derived from uay which means 'bed^ or * chamber,' presuming the Indians believed the year to rest during those days; or uayab may equally be derived from another signification of tmy^ viz: 'to be destroyed,' * wounded,' 'cor- roded by the caustic juice of plants,' or with ley and other strong liquids."^ I think it probable that these are cinerary urns, given as symbolic rep- resentations of the idea that the years have closed — are dead — ^and as th© ashes of the dead rest in the urns so the ashes of the years may be said to rest in these vessels. This idea appears to be borne out by the fact that the vessel in the middle division of Plate 28 of the Codex, which appears to correspond to these of the Manuscript, has on it the figure of cross-bones, on the top of which are placed three Kan symbols. Stephens in his "Yucatan" mentions the fact that it is the custom of the Indians to gather up the bones of the dead and preserve them in baskets, boxes, and other similar vessels. He mentions one case where "they were clean and bright as if polished, with the skuU and cross-bones in front, the legs and arms laid on the bottom," &c.^ It is more than probable that this custom was handed down from ancient times. What the Kan symbols contained in these vessels signify is a question that puzzles me, and which I have so far been unable to answer satisfacto- rily. In the Manuscript we see three in both vessels of Plate XXIII; three in the upper and two in the* lower division of Plate XXII; also three in the upper and two in the lower division of Plate XXI, but the top one » Appendix to " Stepbens^s Yucatan," I, 437. « Vol. I, p. 417. Digitized by Google THOMi^l MEANING OF THE KAN SYMBOLS. 89 I in the upper is surrounded by a heavy black border, while in the lower a black bird appears to be in the act of devouring a third, presented to it by the white personage at the right On Plate XX there are two in the similar vessel in the lower division, and two connected with another character in the upper. Turning to the Codex, we find the aiTangement, so far as these charac- ters are concerned, quite difierent/ On Plate 25 we see but one, and that in the middle division; on 26 one in the middle and two in the lower division; on 27 two in the third or lowest division, with the figure of a fish upon them; on 28 three in the middle, above the cross-bones. If the vessels are to be considered as cinerary urns, figuratively holding the ashes of the dead years, these Kan symbols must be in some way connected therewith, but the numbers on the different ones cannot easily be made to agree with any of the periods of the calendar. Possibly they may simply represent ears of maize or tortillas cast into these vessels. The fish placed on those in the third division indicate, as I believe, that here they are intended to represent com or bread, for the position of the figure shows that it is meant for one of the offerings made to the idol, which Landa says consisted of *' drinks, dishes of food, meats, fish," &c. The vessel just above this, in the same division, probably contains fruits or gourds (calabashes). If we suppose them to be time symbols, we may possibly find an argument in favor of interpreting them years in the fact that on Plate XXIII, where there are three in the vessel in the lower division, there is a fourth one on the head of the personage at the right, who we have sup- posed is the personage that represents the year. By counting this we have the four years. The one withdrawn and placed upon the head of the image represents (say) the Cauac year. This leaves three, as shown in the vessel. In the lower division of Plate XXII there are but two, another having been withdrawn to represent the Kan year. So far we meet with no obstacle to our interpretation; but when we come to Plate XXI we find there are three, and on Plate XX two, a fact which is difficult to explain on this theory. Turning again to Plate XXII,- we observe on the head of the individ- ual at the right of the upper compartment two triangles. These remind Digitized by Google 90 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. US very strongly of the triangles on the outer circle of the Mexican calendar stone, and, although these are at the head of the animal, while those ai-e at the tails of the serpents, I think it probable they have the same significa- tion — the completion of the cycle. This opinion, I believe, is confirmed by the figures at the left of the same compartment. Here we observe two falling figures. The lower, pale brown, with cords on his arms and legs, is being dashed to pieces on the pyramidal pile, on which he falls, as shown by the blood which is streaming over it The upper one is white, the side of the head marked with a sinuous line, as that in the lower right-hand comer of the lower division of Plate XXIII. That these two figures sym- bolize periods of time can scarcely be doubted, the dark one striking the pyramid that which is expiring. The four steps of the pyramid probably denote "indications" or "weeks of yeai's," and, hence, all taken together represent the cycle. In the dark base we see a sigmoid character similar to that which Landa gives for the letter N, which may possibly be the symbol for the Maya word Noh^ "grand." Here we see that one of the steps is black, which is the characteristic color of one of the four dominical days and of one of the four plates of the Manuscript. These facts, I think, are suflScient to warrant us in assuming that the whole pyramid represents the cycle, and is, no doubt, the "monument" raised at the termination of this period, in reference to which Perez makes the following remark: "This period of fifty-two years was called by the Indians Katun^ and at its conclu- sion great feasts were celebrated, and a monument was raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise, as is signified by the word Kat-tun^ for a memento and record of the cycles or Katunes that had elapsed." The two falling figures probably represent years, the dark one the closing year of one cycle or other period and the white the first of the fol- lowing. I am led to this conclusion from the strong resemblance of the white figure, to those in the lower right-hand corner of the lower division of Plates XXII and XXIII, which I have supposed represent the Uayeyab idols. At the top of the left-hand, or day, column of Plate XX, and else- ^ ^ ^ where in these four plates, we find this unusual red character Digitized by Google U, S. G. AND G. SURVEY. MANUSCRIPT TROANOPl. VJI. ^ L V^^ ^^•W^:>^ P^ori»rAtcCaMY I Fac Simile of Plate 27 of the Dresden Codex Digitized by Google Digitized by Google TH0MA8.) CHARA0TEE8 IN THE MIDDLE LINE, PLATES XX-XXIU. 91 sometimes with and sometimes without dots over it. Over the Ix column — Plate XX — there are two of these characters, the upper with three dots over it, the other with one. In the upper edge of the upper space of the same plate there is another without any dots over it. Those over the Muluc column — Plate XXI — are too thoroughly obliterated to be made out, but in the upper space of this plate we see a very distinct one with two dots over it. There are none over the Kan column of Plate XXII, but in the upper space there appears to be one, though too badly defaced to be made out with certainty. There is one over the Cauac column — Plate XX III — with one dot over it, and in the upper space another, with two dots over it, above which is another in black, but reversed, and without dots. On the title page there are two lines of somewhat similar figures, but presenting some dififerences, which render it doubtful whether they have the same signification as those on the four plates. There can be but little doubt that these characters are used here to denote certain periods of time. But what periods is a question I have so far been unable to answer satisfactorily. I will therefore postpone the dis- cussion of this point to a subsequent page. In the broad line separating the two divisions of each plate we observe certain square characters, some of which are readily recognized as day symbols. Those on Plate XXIII reading from left to right are — ^first, Eza- nab; second, Akhal; third, the character which Brasseur says stands for ilf, and fourth, possibly a variant of LamaL On Plate XXII, reading in the same direction — Lamat (?), ilf ?, Ezanab^ and AJcbal; on Plate XXI, JEzanab, pos- sibly a variant of Been^ ATcbal^ Lamat^ and (?); on Plate XX, Been^ Akbalj Mfj Ezanab^ and Lamat Two only in each line can be determined with any degree of certainty. These days are the closing ones of the difi'erent years, and are very appropriate in this place, and bear the same relation to these plates as those in the columns of the Codex do to those plates. Their posi- tion here also (confirms the view I have heretofore incidentally advanced, that the upper division of these plates relates chiefly to the closing days of one year and the lower to the commencement of the following. The character which I have denoted by the letter M is the same as that which I have interpreted as designating ^*the north," except that it is without the prefix. Digitized by Google 92 A STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TEOANO. I strongly suspect that it is the symbol for Am^ the sacred stone by means of which they cast the horoscope, and which was doubtless the same as those named by Landa Acantun. The loop or knot on Plates XXI and XXII probably signifies the tying of the years, the close of one cycle or other period and the commencement of another.^ There are but two of these, and they probably correspond with the figures on which the Chacs in Plates 27 and 28 of the Codex are walking. These appear to be bundles of cords or reeds bound at four points, representing the four dominical days (the four years), each representing thirteen years of the cycle, or possibly only one year of the luster. Plate XX, which 'has Ix as the dominical day, appears to bear one or two of the tokens mentioned by Landa in his description of the festival of the Cauac years. This author remarks that, "after they have placed the images in the temple, they perfume them, as is their custom, and present to them two pellets of resin from a 5 tree called Ukj for the purpose of burning them, also some iguanas, bread, a mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone which they hold in great honor." We see projecting from the head- Fig. 12. dress of the figure in the lower right-hand comer of the lower division what appears to be a flower. In the upper division we see at the left an individual burning incense. In the corresponding plate of the Codex (25), middle division, is this figure (Fig. 12), which I have concluded is a symbol of the particular incense here mentioned. 1 It resembles the Mexican character for the day Ollin or ''Earthquake." Digitized by Google CHAPTER IV. SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE PROBABLE MEANING OF SOME OF THE FIGURES ON THE OTHER PLATES. PART FIRST OF THE MANUSCRIPT. Plates II to VII of the first part appear to relate to one general sub- ject, if we can judge of this by the figures and symbols, but what that general subject is I am as yet unable to determine positively, but am of the opinion that they relate, in part at least, to the festivals and profession of the traveling merchants. The first division of Plate II contains two figures. The one to the left, a quadruped upon a brown* ground, has its hind feet upon an oblong figure, apparently a stone, holding by its fore feet to a cord which passes round the object on which its hind feet are placed. A machete is plunged into the back, forming a great wound, from which we see the blood flowing out. The character on which he stands is marked with the trembling cross, which sig- nifies ''Ezanab" or "flint." I think it more than probable that this is intended to denote the sacrifice of this animal It was the custom to sacri- fice a dog at the merchants' festival, but it is doubtful whether this figure is intended to represent a dog. A similar figure and with similar accompaniments is found in the upper division of Plate III. I find among the characters immediately above both of these, this one. \^f^f}] The right-hand portion appears to be Landa's character for the letter ''X." If we suppose the inscription to have any reference to the figures in the spaces, we may give this two possible inter- pretations — ^the first Olj **^heart," probably denoting the sacrifice of the ani- mal or person by the usual method of taking out the heart. Or, supposing 93 Digitized by Google 94 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. the first part of the compound character to be simply a prefix or a particle, the chief character may indicate the Maya word Le^ signifying "a cord," "a lasso," or cord with a slip knot. I find the same character over the middle figure of the second division of this plate (II), also, slightly varied, over the left figure of the first division of Plate III. In each case we see the cord and also the indications of sacrifice. The same character is also found immediately above the open breast of the sacrificed individual on Plate 3 of the Dresden Codex, but in this case we also see cords around the hands and feet. In the right-hand compartment of the upper division is a squatting human figure in black on a blue ground, doubtless representing some deity. He has a fiery red mouth and a very prominent nose, and is holding by the hand a cord, which passes round a character at his feet, probably represent- ing a peddler's pack. On his head he bears an interlaced or cross-hatched figure as a head-dress. This figure I think represents the ancient divinity ChicchaC'Chab or Chichac-Chob} The cross-hatched character on the head appears to be used to indicate the sound tzi, zi, or chi, and is probably placed here to denote this deity. Similar figures are found in various parts of of the Manuscript, as, for example, on Plates IV, V, VI, VII, XIX, XVII*, XVIII*, XXIP, XXIII*, XXV*, XXIX*, XXX*, XXXI*, and XXXII*. There appear, in fact, to be two different personages represented by these figures, as may be seen by reference to the upper division of Plate VI, where the two are brought face to face. The only difference observable is in the form of the eye. According to Landa, the Indians, during the festival of the Cauac years, made four idols named Chicchac-chob, Ekbalam- choc, Ahcan-Volcaby and Ahbuluc-Balam ; the first of which is doubtless one of those referred to. It is also possible that some of the figures on this group of plates refer to others of these four deities. In the middle division of this plate (II) is a stooping human figure, with his arms bound behind his back with a cord, and a kind of yoke on the back of his head The edge of a machete is descending upon his neck as if to sever his head from his body. That this figure is intended to show that the individual is about to be slain can scarcely be doubted, as we see, ^ I am aware that Ekchuah was the merchant's patron. Digitized by Google U, S. G. AND G, SURVEY, MANUSCRIPT TROANO Pi, VI 11, ^fn?^^r><^^^ Fac Simile of Pijite 28 of tuk Dresden Codex. Digitized by Google ^^f^^if^ie^ Digitized by Google THOMAB] FIGTJEES ON PLATES III-VII. 95 by turning to the middle division of Plate III, the same person, although still represented as standing, a headless trunk and covered with blood, while in close proximity is the fatal machete. Above the bound figure we find the character heretofore given, which we have supposed may be the symbol for OZ, or "heart," and, if so, tends to confirm the idea indicated in what has been said concerning these figures. Be this as it may, we have here, undoubtedly, indications of human sacri- fice. The mode indicated maiy not be exactly what we may have been led to expect from what has been stated by the old authors, but this does not necessarily prove our interpretation wrong. It is a significant fact that on the third page of the Dresden Codex we see human sacrifice distinctly shown. Thus it appears that each of these manuscripts bears the evidence of this hori'ible custom. As bearing upon my interpretation of these characters, I call attention to the fact that they are also found on Plate 3 of the Codex, in connection with the figure denoting human sacrifice. The white left-hand figure in the third division (PI. Ill), holding in his right hand the symbol of cu or Cauac, and in his left a spear head, represents, as I judge from the markings and this accompanying character, l^j^ I , one of the gods of death or underworld. Plates III to VII, taken together, appear to represent among other things a journey of some kind, probably the joumeyings of traveling mer- chants or peddlers. This is indicated by the marks of footsteps and by the figures of individuals with staves in their hands and packs on their backs, which are bound with cords. The two individuals in the upper division of Plate VI appear to be in the act of producing fire by whirling a stick between the hands with the point pressed on a piece of wood, as was the custom. The figure in the lower division of this plate is interesting chiefly on account of the peculiar head-dress of the large central figure. This, which is shown in the annexed cut (Fig. 13), represents a couch or seat in the form of a double-headed animal, on which is placed the head of a deer. This bears such a striking resemblance to the double-headed Digitized by Google 96 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. couches or seats found in the ruins of Yucatan^ as to induce us to believe that they have the same signification in both places, or that the figure in our plate refei-s to that which was represented in the older sculptures and paintings. The peculiarity in the figure of our plate is that the personage seated on the couch is here symbolized by a deer's head, and that on the cheek of the right head there is one of the death sym- bols. Is the deer's head here a symbol of the personage represented as seated on the couch in the sculptured tablet of the Palenque palace, and the Beau Re- lief in stucco? We have no means by which to determine this, but it is my opinion it is. I suggest, as a possible explanation, that this singular head-dress is a symbol* used to denote the peninsula of Yucatan, or, rather, EteUcehy the name by which it was known in ancient times. Cehy as is well known, is the Maya word for "deer." Etel signifies "companion," and Etelety from "hand to hand" or "side to side." Hence it may be intended as a symbol of dominion. This, I am aware, is a somewhat visionary guess, and I give it as such; still it is not impossible that it is substantially correct On the jaw of the head, looking to the right, is an imperfect character, which, from evidence found elsewhere in the Manuscript, I am satisfied is a variant of Cimi. We find, that the same deity represented in the second division of Plate VII assumes a difi'erent form. The scene appears to be an open, grassy prairie, leading us to infer that here the javelin is being hurled at game, although none is figured. In the lower division of Plate VII> and extending into the margin of VIII, is a series of five similar blue figures, each seated on a large charac- ter like the one here shown. » Bancroft's Native Races, vol. iv, pages :U7, 318, and 329 ; Stephens's Yucatan, vol ii, page 182; Waldeck, plate xvii; Dupaix, plate xxvi (Plate 20, Kingsbury, iv). Digitized by Google THOMA*.) PIGUEBS RELATING TO THE CHASE, PLATES VIII-XIX. 97 The black numerals not obliterated are as follows, and in the following order: 11, 10, 9. Is it not possible that these signify Ahaues I The head- dresses on three are similar to that seen so often tliroughout the work on the head of Tlaloc, and which, I presume, signifies the tying of the years. I merely suggest this as a possible explanation, although the order of the numerals ¥iQ. 14. is not the usual one. Plates VTII to XIX appear, from the figur«, to relate to the chase. VIII-XIII are devoted almost wholly to figures of animals (mostly deer) caught in snares. It appears from these figures that the method of snaring animals was to fasten a cord to the top of a slender tree, bend it down, and fasten a slip-knot around a spring or trigger, so that when touched by the fore foot of the animal it would slip up and tighten, and thus hold up the fore part of the body. There can be no doubt that the elongate white stems to which the cords are tied represent trees or wood. If the nodes marked upon them were not sufficient to show this, a study of the similar figures throughout the work would satisfy any one on this point. The curved figure at the foot of the deer in the second division of Plate VIII probably represents a kind of spring or trigger around which the slip-knot is fastened in such a manner that when touched above by the foot of the animal it closes or bends together, so that the knot slips off it and on to the leg.^ I am aware that this interpretation is widely different from the profound explanation given byBrasseur, still I think it is as near the correct one. The animal represented in the upper division of Plate IX is an Arma- dillo. It is evidently in a pit, into which it has fallen through the trap arranged for this purpose. We see no cord here, as none was needed. The pit appears to have been lined around the sides with upright pieces of wood, to prevent the earth from falling in; then two layers around the top of these, and finally covered with a layer of sticks or small beams, through which a hole was made in the middle, and then pieces laid loosely on this, so that the ends met over the middle of the opening. The animal 1 Herrera (Dec. iii, Bk. vi, chap. 3) saya they killed their game with gins and snares. The Geu- tloman of Elvas speaks of a method of catching conies with snares similar to that figured in the Mann- script (HackluytTransl. it, 183). 7 M T Digitized by Google 98 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. passing over steps on these, and, tilting them, falls in. I introduce here a figure of this pitfall, an exact copy of that on the plate. We here see the method of joining the ends of beams together. A similar figure, but on a smaller scale, is given on Plate XXII*. The crosses on the ends of the beams are parts of the char- acter so often found on wooden articles. This is evident from the fact that the full character is found on the ends of the cross- beams in the figure on Plate XXII* The probable sig- FiG. 15.— Pitfall &nd arraadiUo. tiificatiou wiU be given here- after, in the chapter relating to the written characters. In the third space of this plate, and also in the second and third spaces of Plate XIII, there is an outline figure of a scorpion, and in each case the claw at the end of the tail gi'asps a cord to which a deer, rabbit, or fox is attached. I confess my inability to interpret these figures.^ In the left portion of the upper division of Plate X^ is a broad trans- verse line containing characters similar to those in the line between the divisions of Plates XX-XXIII. The left-hand character (of the three) bears a strong resemblance to the symbol of the Mexican day Ollin^ or ''Earthquake," but here possibly represents the Maya day Ezanab, and the middle one, Been. The character to the right is the "death symbol," or symbol of the day Cimi. The red and blue scrolls which are attached to and hang below this line probably denote the supposed character of two diflFerent years or days, so far as they relate to the chase. It is a fact worthy of notice that on these six plates there are just eighteen of these captured animals, or one for each month of the year. We can readily understand why the festivals or religious observances denoted by these figures and the day and numeral characters are so numerous and occupy ' Sr. Melgar ( Com2>. VieWf ^c.) suggests that it denotes the zodiacal signSoorpiOf and hence autumn. But such a supposition would imply a knowledge of Oriental astronomy not warranted. « See Fig. 97. Digitized by Google THOMAS.] THE HtTNTEES' FESTIVAL. 99 such a large portion of the Manuscript. The priests were fond of the savory venison hams which fell to them. Tn other words, it was a scheme on their part to use the religious fervor of the people to supply their larders with this choice meat. Fig. 16. Digitized by Google 100 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. Plate XIV — the middle and lower divisions of which are reproduced in Fig. 1 16 — I take to be a ritual relating to the hunters' festivals. In the upper division we see two persons dressed as Chacs, and bearing the emblems of the festival to the temple or appointed place. The middle and lower divis- ions contain entire transverse lines of the same character repeated. If we take them in columns, instead of transversely, we will find that they differ from each other only in the top and bottom characters and the numerals. As an example, I refer to the third column from the left of the middle divis- ion (omitting from the count the usual day column at the left). The char- acter at the top is the one already interpreted as signifying *'the east"; three of the other columns have each one of the cardinal points, the rest of the characters being the same in each column and in the same order except the numeral and the character below it The same is true in reference to tho lower division. As these appear to designate mere repetitions, either of actions or words, varied slightly as to direction or number, I conclude that, taken together, they form a ritual for the ceremonies that relate to the chase. Plates XV-XIX appear to represent tokens of hunting scenes and the ceremonies of the hunters' festival In the upper division of XVII, XVIII, tod XIX we see the hunters returning from the chase, some bearing their game, others their weapons, and others flowers in token of success. On Plates XV and XVII we see some of the game left behind for the vultures, which are devouring it. The middle division of XVI and XVII relate to the same subject ; the left figure in the latter is represented as being bitten by a rattlesnake, one of the dangers to which they are subject while pursuing their calling. The figures at the right of the upper division of the same plate represent a master punishing his slave or follower ; the differ- ence in the belt anklets and dress showing the difference in condition. It is more than probable that these figures are to a certain extent cabal- istic and also that it is a part of the ceremonies of the festival to represent these incidents of the hunter's profession. The large figure in the middle division of Plate XV I presume repre- sents an idol, made for the occasion, in the form of a deer. If so, we see here a strong indication of phallic worship. Digitized by Google TiioMABi EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON PLATES XVII-XIX. 101 In the lowest division of Plate XVII we observe a woman piercing her tongue with a maguey leaf, while in front is an incense-burner. The two figures in the upper division of Plate XIV are doubtless Chacs selected for the occasion, who are carrying to the festival the implements of the chase and a sun image. The character on which the figure in the lower left-hand comer, middle division of the same plate, is standing, is probably a representation of the trap, or rather trigger, used in snaring game. We observe that the left-hand figure of the lower division of Plate XVI is bearing in his hands a Kan symbol on which is placed a deer's head. We see exactlj^ the same combination in the fifth transverse line of the title- pjige— a deer's head on a Kan symbol, emblems of. their chief means of subsistence, maize and venison. The figures in the middle division of Plate XVIII are e\ndently sym- bolical, as the positions are unnatural. I am inclined to believe the upper of the two figures denotes a supposed phantom, which, according to the superstitions of the Indians, flew through the air^ destroying game as it passed. This is a mere supposition based wholly on the figures themselves, yet one that I think is warranted. The figure in the lower division of this plate (XVIII) probably repre- sents a priest clothed in animal skin, or an idol. The black and white figures in the middle and lower division of XIX are grinding paints to be used in their ceremonies. The black is the same personage as the right-hand figure in the upper division of Plate VI (Chic- chac-Chob). The white one in the middle division is a personage we fre- quently meet with on the pages of this work and in reference to which I will have more to say hereafter. The white figure in the lower division is certainly the same as those on Plates XXII and XXIII, which I have de- cided represent Uayeyab idols. It here no doubt signifies a priest di-essed to represent this idol. Plates XXIV-XXVIII appear to relate to one subject — ^the rainy season, or rains, storms, clouds, &c. I think it quite probable that pictures of this kind seen by the early writers on the manuscripts which they inspected, were the ones they supposed related to the great floods which inundated that country. Digitized by Google 102 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TBOANO. From a careful study of them I conclude they are of general applica- tion, and refer simply to the storms, clouds, &c., of the rainy season of the year, and not to any particular event As each of these plates is complete in itself, there is nothing in them, except the subject treated of, to indicate the order in which they are to be taken; but this is too uncertain a guide for us to base any confident opinion upon. All I can say on this point with confidence is that XXIV and XXV appear to relate to severe and destructive storms, and XXVI and XXVII to beneficial and fertilizing rains. The figures in the lower division of the first two I think indicate the formation or commencement of the storm. We see in both a young or small serpent, which, I think, is here the symbol of a cloud. That on Plate XXV is a rattlesnake, indicating its deadly character, as does also the death symbol near by. The apron of the great, robust female is cross-hatched — which here may signify Zihj "origin" or "birth" — and denote that the serpent, which is issuing from behind it, is in process of birth. The character held in the right hand is Ik, "breath," "wind," or "spirit"; the blue lines from the mouth, which strike against the falling figure with the dead eye, denote the fierce storm on its errand of destruction and death. The beam shooting out £i-om the eye may possibly denote lightning, though in the similar figure on Plate XXVII this appears to be indicated by the red dots in the bound serpent on the head. The intention appears to have been to indicate the Maya equivalent of the Mexican female deity, GhalchihuUlicue. This deity, according to Sahagun, was the sister of the Tlalocs. "She was honored because she had power over the waters of the sea and of the rivers to drown those that went down to them, to raise tem- pests and whirlwinds, and to cause boats to founder. They worshiped her, all those that dealt in water, that went about selling it from canoes or peddled jars of it in the market They represented this goddess as a woman, painted her face yellow, save the forehead, which was often blue, and hung round her neck a collar of precious stones, from which depended a medal of gold. On her head was a crown of light-blue paper, with plumes of green feathers and tassels that fell to the nape of her neck. Her earrings were of turquiose, wrought in mosaic. Her clothing was a shirt Digitized by Google TH01IA8.1 THE BAIN GODDESS. 103 or upper body garment, clear blue petticoats, with fringes, from which hung marine shells, and white sandals. In her left hand she held a shield and a leaf of the broad, round, white water-lily, called atlacuezonar^ Clavigero makes the following statement in regard to this goddess: ^^ Chdchiucueje^ otherwise Chalchihuitlicuej was the goddess of water and companion of Tlaloc. She was known by some other very expressive names, which either signify the eflFects which water produces, or the different appearances and color which it assumes in motion. The Tlascalans called her MaUactcqjej that is, clothed in a green robe; and they gave the same name to the highest mountain of Tlascala, on whose summit are formed those stormy clouds which generally burst over the city of Angelopoli. To that summit the Tlascalans ascended to perform their sacrifices and offer up their prayers. This is the very same goddess of water to which Torquemada gives the name Xochiquetzal^ and the Cav. Boturini that of MacuUxochiqueU The interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis say;3: ^' Chalchiuttiy who presided over these thirteen days, sav^ herself in the deluge. She is the woman who remained after the deluge. Her name signifies, *The woman who wears a dress adorned with precious stones' They here fasted four days to Death. They painted her holding in one, hand a spinning-wheel and in the other a certain wooden instrument with which they weave; and in order to show that of the sons which women bring forth, some are slaves and others die in war, and others in poverty, they paint her with a stream, as if carrying them away, so that, whether rich or poor, all were finally doomed to perish."' We may therefore, I think, safely assume that the figure in our plate is intended to represent the Central American or Yucatec goddess Xntio, who appears to be an equivalent for the Mexican female deity desQribed, and that here, at least, she is but a symbol of the mountain range where the storms were formed, and from whence they rushed down into the valleys and plains below. Whether the large figure in the lower division of Plate XXVII is intended to represent the same deity is somewhat uncertain, but 1 Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. iii, p. 368. ^History of Mexico, Vol. i, p. 252, Collen's Trans. 'Kingsborough's Mez. Antiq., yi, p. 120. Digitized by Google 104 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. judging by the blue hair, blue ear-circle, the bound serpent on the head, and the similarity in the form of the mouth, anklets, and wristlets, I am disposed to believe it is, notwithstanding the material differences in other respects. The mouth of the latter, the peculiar form of which is more dis- tinctly shown than in the former, reminds us very strongly of that of the symbol of the Mexican day Ehecatlj "wind," as given in the various Codices. I am disposed to think that the figure in Plate XXV represents her as the storm-brewing goddess, while that in Plate XXVII shows her as the giver of beneficial and fructifying rains. In the former the eye simply shows the lightning flash, while in the latter it is surrounded by the curved Tlaloc sign, or what is supposed to be the sign of the Tlaloc eye, though certainly not limited to this deity. The figure in the lower division of Plate XXIV is evidently intended to express the same idea as that in the lower division of XXV; but I am at- a loss to decide what deity is denoted. A god with four hands, ^ here shown, is an anomaly in Mexican and Central American mythology. I have failed to find any such represented in the Codices, though I have looked through them somewhat carefully for this purpose. Nor have I found any mention of such an one in any of the works I have at hand. Prof Edward S. Holden thinks he sees four hands to the figure on the Leyden Stone, but I must confess I have been unable to find more than two which appear to belong to the principal personage. He is of the opin- ion that the figure on our plate is intended to represent the Mexican god of war, HuUzUopochtli} It is possible that this surmise is correct, as it agrees in several important respects with the dark figure in the upper division of Plate XXV, which I think beyond doubt represents this deity. As the reader will find the characteristics and symbols, and also a very reasonable and probably connect interpretation of these given at length by Bancroft in his Native Races, I will omit the mention of them here. I only add that here we see the feathers, the shield, the snake belt, the arrows and spear, and everything, even to the attitude, that betokens a warlike deity. The accompanying serpent, which here clearly denotes a cloud, is not wanting; the rain pours down in fearful torrents, and on each side is the ^ '' Stadies of American Picture Writing" ; in Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Digitized by Google TiioMABi EXPLANATION OF FIGUEES ON PLATES XXIV-XXVIL 105 death symbol. This god we know was a companion of, or, rather, accom- panied by, Tlaloc, whose figure we see by turning to the adjoining Plate XXIV. But here, instead of being in his favorite blue, we see him clothed in black and bearing on his aim the shield that forms one of the tokens of the war god. On this we see the symbol for JA, '* breath "or "wind," twice given, betokening the storm and the whirlwind. In his right hand the spear-hurler, or, as here used, the lightning symbol, while in front of him is the Uayeyab idol or figure representing the year, upon whose head the torrents are descending, and upon whom the angry Tlaloc appears to be venting his wrath. If a supposition, hereafter more fully explained, that this figure represents Zamna, or com, prove correct, the significa,tion of what is here shown is at once clear. Above the head of the god, sailing through the air, is a batrachian, or frog-like animal, a symbol of abundant water. The large charactw in the middle, which has the inner space blank, was doubtless intentionally left so. I am unable to guess its meaning, unless it be a time symbol of some kind. The transverse line of partially obliterated characters at the top are similar to those found in the middle transverse line on Plates XX-XXIII, which probably have the same signifi- cation here as there. As before remarked. Plates XXVI and XXVII appear to belong together, and to refer to the milder and beneficial rains. In the upper division of the former we see Tlaloc, accompanied by his four Chacs, the latter without any marks of distinction, as here the inten- tion appears to be to represent them as rain-givers only. The former is shown here in his usual blue color, but the scorpion-like caudal appendage is uncommon, and, taken in connection with the plate on the loins to which it is attached, is, as I believe, a time symbol of some kind. We notice that the claw at the tip appears to clasp the single red numeral character surrounded by dots. In this space we also observe the symbols of the four cardinal points, one by each Chac.^ ^ I have been in considerable donbt as to whether these minor deities are Chaos or Baoabs, as there appears to be much confusion in the writings of the old authors in reference to them; but have decided to apply the name Chacs to those which appear to be related to the rain gods. I think it proba- ble that the two terms apply to the same deities. Digitized by Google 106 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. , The figures in the lower division of this plate, I think, are easily inter- preted Here is the cloud, or moisture, represented in the form of a serpent, with a Tlaloc head to denote its beneficial and fertilizing influence. Tlaloc, who has been riding upon it, now starts upon his descent to earth, bearing upon his back the symbol of abundance of food — ^a vase filled with corn and a vine loaded with fruit I am aware that I have heretofore referred to the serpent as a symbol of time, but this diversity in the application of this symbol has been recog- nized by others. Bancroft, after a thorough consultation of the numerous authorities in his extensive library, remarks, in speaking of the attributes of the Mexican god Huitzilopoctli: "Huitzilopoctli is also a snake god. « * * * jf the snake signifies in one case time, in another world, and in another instance water, or the yearly rejuvenation of germs and blos- soms, the eternal circle of nature, divination, soothsaying, it is quite proper, for all these qualities are found united in the god." The figures in the upper division of XXVII are very similair in char- acter and signification to those just described. Here is the snake cloud floating along, the crimson underlining indicating either the lightning or the efiect of the setting sun. On the head stands Tlaloc, while he pours out the rain from the inverted vase in his hands. On another part stands a goddess, possibly Ixmolj also pouring the refreshing rain on the parched earth. The central figure in the lower division of this plate has already been alluded to and the conclusion reached that it is the female deity Xntic, the mountain, or mountain range, from which the rains of that region mostly come. The chief parts of the figures in this division may be thus explained: The blue lines, the rain flowing out from the skirts and down the sides; the serpent, the embryo cloud on the summit, through which the lightning, represented by the red dots, is playing. Here we see the four Chacs, with their distinguishing marks upon them ; also Tlaloc, with a singular head- dress. From a careful study of these four plates I conclude that XXV pre- cedes XXIV, and that XXVII precedes XXVI, in other words, should pro- ceed to the left in the order paged. Digitized by Google TBouAB.] EXPLANATION OP FIGUEBS ON PLATE XXVIIL 107 Plate XXVIII appears to relate somewhat to the same general subject as the preceding group just described, but is not so directly connected with them as they are with each other. It seems, in fact, to belong between this group and the one which follows (in the order of the paging), and appar- ently precedes the former. The chief objects of interest on this plate are the figures in the second and lower division. The larger figures either represent two deities closely allied and belonging to the same class, or are symbolic. As they are frequently met with throughout the Manuscript I presume they are recog- nized deities. In this place I think they represent the earth or soil, which, parched and dry in consequence of a severe drought, are here represented as looking up toward the heavens, as if supplicating rain upon the planted and sprouting maize, the emblems of which they bear in their hands. As will be noticed elsewhere, there are very strong reasons for believing jthat the lower figure, and probably both, represent gods of death, or that they are symbols of death. This agrees very well with the explana- tion I have suggested. The lower figure has in one hand the bread symbol, in the other that of sprouting corn. In the hands of that of the second division are smaller figures, bearing Kan characters, here doubtless used as com symbols. These smaller figures with the two-colored face, which will be found frequently introduced on the next five plates, certainly represent something of the utmost importance in, or bearing a close relation to, Maya agriculture. Without stopping just here to give my reasons for the belief, I venture the opinion that they are here given as figures of the deity Zamna^ or Itzamnaj but with the — as I presume generally understood — ^idea, or belief, that Itzamna and maize were equivalents, or so closely related, that to figure this deity in connection with agricultural subjects was equivalent to figuring maize, or possibly seed in a broader sense. The blue, serpent-like figure with purple margin in the third division of this plate (XXVIII) is possibly intended as the symbol of a floating cloud. The chac in front, Tlaloc resting quietly on one of the curves, the blue color and purple lining all correspond with this idea. But the Zamna Digitized by Google 108 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. figures and vegetable sprouts upon it do not agree with tliis interpretation. Still I believe it to be the idea intended. Plates XXIX-XXXIII appear to relate entirely to agricultural pur- uits, especially to the cultivation of maize, cacao, some vine, and possibly, cotton. In this connection I would call special attention to the first (top) and second divisions of Plates XXX and XXXI, and the two Tlaloc figures in the lower division of XXXIII. In these we undoubtedly have the planting of seed, most likely corn, represented. The number of grains deposited in a place appears usually to be five, but occasionally six seem to be dropped. The opening or hole in the soil is made with a pointed wooden stick, always more or less bent or curved in the figures. According to Landa the custom of the native farmers was to make holes at regular intervals, and in each deposit "five or six grains" of maize. The number appears to be indicated in the plates, not only by the figures of balls dropped, but also by jthe spread fingers with knobs at the tips, showing that five was the established number. As further evidence of the correctness of this interpretation, the individuals represented on Plates XXX and XXXI, as engaged in this work, have their heads covered with a kind of matting or straw hat, indicating that they are in the sun, where the head needs protection. The character in this head- gear, as will hereafter be shown, probably signifies ^oc, "a hat" or "head- covering." The similar operation represented in the lower division of Plate XXXIII, where Tlaloc, or a priest attired as this deity, is the planter, probably refers to the seed of some other plant, possibly the gourd or bean, or the leguminous plant figured in the second division of the same plate. As I have expressed a belief that the figures with a two-colored face are given to represent Zamna, or Itzamna, one of the chief Maya deities or culture heroes, I will give here in part my reasons for this opinion. First. As has been heretofore intimated, and as will hereafter be more fully shown, the Imix and Kan symliols are undoubtedly often used to denote bread and maize, and the word, or name, Itzamna has as its primary signification seed from which plants issue, the chief referejjce being to maize. Digitized by Google xeoMAB.) THE ZAMNA FIGURES. 109 Second. In the plates now under consideration the figures with the two-colored face appear to have some intimate relation to agricultural pur- suits. Third The Kan symbols and these figures are both represented as being attacked by quadrupeds, birds, and worms. For example, on Plate XXIX, left-hand figure of the second division, we see a bird picking up the planted seed before it has sprouted; in the next figure to the right, same division, we see a small fox-like quadruped seizing it after it has sprouted; in the third division, same plate, and lower divisions of Plates XXX, XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII, we see quadrupeds, birds, and worms attacking these supposed Zamna figurea^ In the latter cases the intention was probably to signify that the plant was attacked by these enemies. The figure in the lower left-hand comer of Plate XXX shows three worms at diflFerent heights, probably signifying that the root, foliage, and fruit were attacked. The symbol ca' in the eye of this figure may be considered a symbol of the cultivated calabash, though it is proba- bly intended to signify that the plant (which I take to be a maize symbol) is dead, having been killed by the attacks of these insect foes. I am aware that the explanations here given may be considered as somewhat overstrained, yet I am convinced that a close and careful study of these figures and all that can be found relating to them will end in leading others to the same conclusion. I may also .add that the difference in the plants or varieties represented by these figures (if such be their signification) is shown by the eye and the marks on the head-dress, which here appear to refer to foliage. Possibly these differences have reference only to the different kinds of com, but this I think is indicated by the color. See, for example, Plate XXX, third division, the yellow and white. The peculiar birds in the third divisions of Plates XXX and XXXI may have reference to certain auguries; otherwise I can give no guess as to their meaning. The next to the right-hand figure of the third division, Plate XXIX, probably represents some such plant as maguey, or yucca. The lower left-hand figure of Plate XXXI I think simply represents ^) ^ The reader is referred to the quotation from Landa in reference to the ceremonieB of the Cauao year (page 66). Digitized by Google 110 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. the act of watering the parched and dying maize plants. The Kan char- acter here bears a sprout, or plant, which appears to be drooping and dying. Although the figure holding the jar is Tlaloc, I think this represents artificial watering, and not rain. Plates XXXII and XXXIII appear to relate principally to the cultiva- tion of cacao, cotton, and some climbing plant, and to severe drought The figures in the upper division I think relate to the cultivation of the cacao, eitlier to the festival held specially by the planters, as described by Landa,^ the particular part taken by them in the festival held to induce the gods to give them rain, or somef incident in the process of cultivation. Landa, in his description of their special festival in the month Muan^ states that ^'they gave to each of the officers a branch with the fruit of the cacao." This is doubtless represented by the figures holding branches in their hands. The figures in the siecond division of these two plates represent two different plants — one evidently a vine supported by a stake, just as grape vines are now supported, on which hang what appear to be pods, possibly beans of some kind. The other plant has a fruit represented by a little circle surrounded by a ring of dots, possibly cotton. . In the third division of these plates there are figures of fox-Kke ani- mals bearing torches and leaping over a sleeping Zamna figui'e and an incense-burner. In the place of the eye is a character resembling that for C or Chum, It is possible that it here stands for the Maya word chocouy ''hot," or clwcoualj "heat," and that the animal with the torches is a symbol of the scorching, burning heat of the sun.^ This idea agrees very well with what we see in the division above (second). The figures here appear to represent cultivated vines, which are parched and dying from the effect of heat and drought. The Tlaloc head at the foot of one of these shows that they are also to some extent symbolic. The third and fourth divisions of Plates XXXIV and XXXV evidently relate to painting the vessels, &c., alluded to by Landa, where he says that 1 See Appendix No. 3. > I call attention here to Lnnda's statement, heretofore quoted, in reference to the calamities to be expected in Ihe Ix years, especially severe droughts. Also to the fact that an image of Zamna is introduce